Quebec Separatism : An Analysis Of Challenging Quebec Separatism

In Canadian history, nationalism and sovereignty tend to be common themes prevalent since Confederation. A well-known example of this in Quebec was during the Quiet Revolution which strengthened the need for change through Premier Lesage’s reforms and in turn, developed a strong sense of nationalism in Quebec. In contrast to beliefs that the rapid modernization of the Quiet Revolution had a positive impact on Quebec, it rather had a negative impact on Quebec and its citizens and identity. The three consequences which arose in Quebec as a result of the revolution are the encouragement of separatism, the elimination of traditional values and roles and the establishment of powerful bureaucratic control. Quebec’s attempt to be more like the

The historical context of the Quebec Separatist movement included The Quiet Revolution. The Quiet Revolution was when small groups try to make Quebec independent especially FLQ. The small groups members were Francophones, French-speaking citizens. Their ideals was to make Quebec independent from Canadaś government. First, Canada made a bill stating that it will create a better future for Canada. “The Official Language Bill is a reflection of the nature of this country as a whole and of a conscious choice we are making about our future.” (World History: The Modern Era) Canada thought it was necessary to have one language, and it will make them feel united. After this bill was established, Canada’s government regretted and believed that there should be two official language. Yet the citizens of Canada were still deciding if they wanted that law to pass. “We believe in two official languages and in a pluralist society, not

The Quebec Referendum first occurred during the Quebec Sovereignty. The Quebec Sovereignty is the movement of Quebec declaring independence from Canada. Throughout Canadian history, the province of Quebec has always wanted to become independent from Canada. Most citizens of Quebec feel suppressed from Canada as French is not commonly spoken outside by Canadians outside of Quebec. “From the fall of 1967, when, as federal minister of justice, he had clearly articulated his position on these questions, to the 1980 referendum, his thinking and priorities had not changed: they embodied patriation of the constitution, equality between francophones and anglophones, a charter of rights, and an amending formula granting a right of veto to Quebec.” Pierre Trudeau had intentions in patriating the constitution with the French and English Canadian’s rights and freedoms. During the Quebec referendum in the year of 1995, the Parti Quebecois asked voters to vote on whether Quebec should become sovereign or not. As a result, the majority of voters voted against the Quebec Sovereignty Referendum. Pierre Trudeau strived to defeat the sovereignty movement and thus, established the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. Trudeau was very passionate and ambitious in transforming Canada into an equal and humble society.

The movement of Quebec sovereignty, if it were to be implemented, would have substantial consequences, not only on Quebec but also on Canada as a whole. For this reason, the movement should be challenged. It is ironic how much of Quebec advocates for independence, yet the effects would be economically detrimental. If Quebec succeeded in being granted independence, it “would need to negotiate with the rest of Canada about assuming its share of federal debt” (Ragan, Christopher). This additional debt, which would equate approximately to 154 billion dollars, would be equal to 92 percent of the province’s gross domestic product (Ragan, Christopher). Undoubtedly, this would shake Quebec’s fiscal stability. There is also the possibility of Quebec

Quebec was founded by French settlers during the 16th century. It was then conquered by the British (known as the conquest of New France in 1760). “The Philosophy of the Enlightment” allowed Britain’s victory to treat the French people with dignity as both nations were civilized societies (source?). The British allowed the French occupants to maintain cultural aspects such as language and traditions (source?). In effect, The Quebec Act was published in 1974, in efforts to ensure loyalty from the French as the British government worried that the remaining French people would support the American Independent War (source?). The act was favourable for French people; allowing the continual practice of

Conscription proved itself on angering many French Canadians. The October Crisis showed how French Canadians can fight back against Canada. The 1992 and 1995 Referendums demonstrated the actions that the French can take if they are ignored. Becoming aware of Canada’s actions can prevent straining French-English relations to the point where it cannot be

One reason why Quebec should secede is because England wants to take away Quebec’s language and culture. This makes people who speak French have to learn a different language and culture like english and protestant. This is especially hard on children. The second reason why Quebec should secede is to prevent any wars from happening like the civil and revolutionary war. Wars can happen in the same country because of other states not agreeing to a new law or anything related to the country. The last reason why Quebec should secede is because Quebec is outnumbered by the English so they can take control of their land anytime.

Though the beginning of the separatist movement was marred by fighting and violence, the vast majority of the conflict has been a political one. The reason for the revolution in Quebec stems from the restrictions placed upon the populace by the English. These restrictions were on both the language and culture of the Quebecois, and caused them to feel trapped in under the English rule, for lack of a better term. This revolution is on a much less certain foot than the others however, with many of the younger citizens not remember the restrictions of days

Nationalism is an important aspect of national pride and identity for countries around the world. For example, Canada takes pride in its cultural identity, one that is claimed to be different from other ‘Western’ more ‘industrialized’ nations, such as countries in Europe, and the United States. Even though Canada currently has a national identity that differs greatly from that of other more established countries, history has dictated the way in which a particular national identity exists today. In Canada, Samuel De Champlain and the French established colonies that created a cultural clash between the French Europeans, and First-Nations Canadians within the country. However, this notion of French Canadian Nationalism isn’t necessarily embraced by all of the Canadian Population. This paper seeks to analyze important pieces of Canadian History that have contributed to a broken concept of what constitutes Canadian nationalism, with an emphasis on how historic events prevent and affect coherent Canadian Nationalism in modern society. Through the analysis of the notions and histories associated with ‘First-Nations Nationalism’, ‘Quebecois Nationalism’, and a broader ‘Anti-American’ identity embraced by many Canadians, this paper seeks to locate common ground within the culturally diverse Canadian population in order to progress toward a singular coherent

The concept of recognizing Quebec as a distinct society is an idea that has been kicking around for some time, but just what does it mean and what are its broader implications? This paper will examine the origins of the term, what it means, and its historical context. It will then examine rival interpretations of federalism. The essay will conclude with an in-depth examination of the concept's involvement with the failed constitutional accords and the failed Quebec succession attempts.

Should Quebec pursue sovereignty or not? people of the nation were very persistent in making their opinions clear as to yes or no. In 1980 politician Rene Levesque, wanted independence as there was a referendum on Quebec gaining this independence. Sixty percent of the nation voted no towards sovereignty. Later in 1995, There was another referendum due to the discontent of The Meech Lake Accord. During this referendum there was hope that Quebec would finally become a proud independent nation. However, this time, the the vote was the same, only a closer percentage.50.58 percent of Quebecers voted no, and 49.42 percent voted yes. This encouraged Quebec that they belonged to Canada. Taking the votes into consideratiom showed a very distinct, yet

Between 1976 and 1981, nearly 20% of Quebec's Anglophones left the Province. 25% of this group were aged 20 - 34. As well, a number of head offices moved West, complaining of high taxes, language legislation etc. This, of course, had the effect of reducing the relative importance of the English-speaking population.

Finally in 1867, the United Canadas joined two other British Colonies, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick to form the Dominion of Canada (McRoberts 1991, 413). French-Canadians continued to fight against assimilation and received autonomous privileges with exclusive jurisdiction over matters regarding its cultural distinctiveness***. Thus, the Francophone language and culture has always been at the forefront of Quebec priorities. Since Confederation, Quebec nationalist have felt that the Francophone language and culture has been at risk of assimilation by the rest of Canada. As a result, Quebec nationalism is fundamentally rooted in the preservation of the Francophone language and culture (Guiberneau 2006, 52). Political leaders in Quebec continuously urge for the recognition that Canada is composed of two nations or cultures (McRoberts 1991, 413). Prior to confederation Quebec enjoyed numerous autonomous privileges. Unfortunately, post-confederation Quebec did not enjoy as many autonomous privileges because Canada was created as a relatively centralized federation (Beland and Lecours 2007, 406). A centralized federation not only took several of these autonomous powers away from Quebec, but it also threatened the Francophone language and culture (Beland and Lecours 2007, 406). With this said, Quebec nationalism has placed a great deal of pressure on the federal government to decentralize, giving more powers to provincial governments.

While the rest of Canada employs the concept of multiculturalism, Quebec emphasizes on another theory: interculturalism, or the notion of support in cross-cultural dialogue and challenging self-segregation tendencies within cultures. In the province, the word multiculturalism announces pejorative meanings. This was due, in part, to the fact that “a federal commission which was charged several years ago with the task of developing policies for Canada, based on its bicultural and bilingual character emerged with a recommendation that Canada think of itself as a multicultural and bilingual country.3”. Francophones, on the other hand, felt that this concept placed them at the same level as minority ethnic groups, thus erasing their thoughts of being seen as one of the country's founding nations.

It is crucial to understand the population of Quebec in terms of how likely certain demographics are to support sovereignty. Duchesne, Eagle, and Erfle (2003) note that constituencies with a high percentage of young adults are very likely to be in favour or Quebec secessionism. This may be due to the fact that “young voters provide an effective backing for the nationalist cause in the province” (Duchesne, Eagle, & Erfle, 2003, p. 652), especially as nationalist and alt-right movements are becoming widespread in various regions around the world where political tensions are high, such as Quebec, Alberta, and many areas in the United States. Additionally, ridings with high numbers of voters over the age of 65 are also likely to support sovereignty and parties such as the Bloc Quebecois (Lublin & Voss, 2002). That is, these individuals directly experienced the surge in confidence and economic advancement that the Quiet Revolution and the referendums brought to the province (Lublin & Voss, 2002). Further, Lublin and Voss (2002) argue that individuals from Quebec who “grew up in an era during which sovereignty was widely discussed as a viable and legitimate option … support sovereignty and the BQ” (p. 94). Overall, support for Quebec sovereignty is not divided amongst age groups, allowing Quebec regionalism to survive within various generations, thus the sovereignty movement continues to exist with young people in the present and in future political shifts in secessionist