Analysis Of Abortion By Jennifer Davis

In Judith A. Thomson’s article, ‘A defense of abortion’ Thomson defends her view that in some cases abortion is morally permissible. She takes this stance even with the premise that fetuses upon the moment of conception are in fact regarded as persons. However one criticism of her argument would be that there is a biological relationship between mother and fetus however there is no biological relationship between you and the violinist. Having this biological relationship therefore entails special responsibility upon the mother however there is no responsibility in the case of the violinist. Thomson argues against those who are opposed to abortion with her violinist thought experiment.

In a time fraught with hot button issues, one that polarizes perhaps more than any other is that of abortion. Unfortunately, it is also an issue that is difficult to write about while remaining unbiased. Paul Stark’s “How Abortion Hurts Women” and Sarah Barnes’ “The Long Term Effects of Abortion on Women” both set out to prove that abortion has serious side effects on the affected party. Both Stark and Barnes cite several studies done in both America and abroad to support their claims, as well as, in Barnes case, offering their own insights on the matter. It seems that both authors purpose is to enlighten their audiences on the under-reported effects of abortion on women in order to spark a new conversation that doesn’t center around the unborn

Abortion continues to make a profound impact on public policies and remains one of the most controversial debate of our time. Though abortion continues to be a debate, it was not always a problematic one. Abortion has been present throughout history dating back to the ancient Egyptians, Greek and Roman. Before abortion became a crime in the 19th century, abortion was a womans choice. “Before abortion became the object of law, it was a subject of everyday life” (Roe v Wade BOOK p. 11). From early civilizations to today, abortion was and may still serve as a form of birth control. It has been observed that through abortion those of upper class avoided “unwanted childbearing and the lower classes used it to limit family size when 1 or more child

Susan Sherwin’s view on abortion is primarily focused through the lens of feminist philosophy. Her article focuses primarily on how the feminist view provides more holistic, and less cold view on the topic of abortion that is more inclusive of the mother. The feminist view of abortion is primarily focused on looking at the factors that affect the mother through the process of the abortion, such as a woman’s feelings around the fetus, is conception, her partner, and her obligations. These are all factors that are not usually thought of by non-feminist thinkers. This is usually because the discussion around this topic is, as the author puts it “generally grounded in masculinist concepts of freedom (such as privacy, individual choice, and individuals’ property rights with respect to their own bodies)” (Sherwin.1997, 100). This view, as she puts it, primarily focuses on the morality and legal aspects of abortion. The basis of Sherwin’s paper centers around a feminist model from which to look at abortion. This model takes into account the emotional impact that an unwanted pregnancy has on the woman, who will be impacted most by this event. It gives sole power of design to the woman, who “may make mistakes in their moral judgements, but no one else can be assumed to have the authority to evaluate and overrule their judgements”. (Sherwin.1997, 102) Sherwin also advocates against the division of the mother and the fetus as separate entities during bioethical discussions. This also

Luker’s central argument is that the debate over abortion has become a symbolic issue. This is now becoming a way to divide ourselves based on our social worlds. The idea of certain beliefs and values have been embedded into women’s lives through “their education, incomes, occupations, and the different marital and family choices they have made along the way” (Luker, 214). Each side of activists finds themselves on a different side of the social world “they are financially successful or they are not. They become highly educated or they do not. They become married and have a large family, or they have a small one” (Luker, 214). With each of these steps their views and lives have “undergone either ratification or revision” (Luker, 215). There are two different worlds that prochoice and prolife

Abigail Goodman, a forty one year old mother and professor at Hilden University, finds herself pregnant for a third time. She believes that abortion is the best option for her case so she decides to terminate one of her own. A few weeks later, She goes on trial and although abortion is legal, she finds herself fighting. Abigail is arrested and is held under a law that makes abortion an offense. In the trial that follows she finds herself fighting for her right to abortion. The book addresses that Abigail goodman was “accused of murder”(Fast 1) for slaughtering her own baby and in many real cases we can seen as the same. Many times, the pro choice army has argued that abortion is murder or slaughter evidently supported by the fact that there are brain waves at 3 weeks and that life does begin at conception. (Source 5) the supporters of life Abigail was found in violation of sections 156 and 157 (Fast 8) which resulted in her arrest. Many may argue that “Women are denied rights that are given to men” (Fast 58) but this is not true. However, the act of abortion is taught as a movement against the feminist revolution with deep economic roots, demonstrating a reason for the major support of the practice (Fast 57). Abigail continues to argue that if men were capable of conception, there would be no argument of choice. There no privacy. (Fast

The purpose of this paper is to understand how women’s reproductive choices are influenced by anti-choice discourse, how this discourse reinforces traditional views of femininity and sexuality, and how this has real implications for women in Canada. Some of the themes this paper will examine are, the construction of motherhood, fetal rights, and trauma of abortion because these themes present a particular picture of the ‘type of woman’ who accesses abortion services. This issue is important because in order for women to “substantial access to abortion” the dialogue of anti-choice needs to be understood in order to understand the climate it creates (Bourgeois,

In the discussion of the legality of abortion, there are many points mentioned about the morality surrounding the situation, such as religion, morals, physical health, and even economics. Although both cases in the defense and support of abortion were compelling, Wendy Davis made the more convincing argument. Davis was most persuasive because she mentions the abuse of power as a corrupt way of trying to control women’s health and the disruption of trust in the doctor-patient relationship. Yet, she fails to acknowledge more details surrounding abortion, special cases and common ground, which could have made her argument more appealing to the opposing side of the bill.

Bridgewater (2009) discusses the relevance of slavery in the pursuit of reproductive freedom. Silliman et al. (2004) in the textbook advanced the definition of reproductive rights beyond abortion. Silliman et al. (2004) was more specific in discussing the struggle and efforts of a specific group (Women of Color) in fighting through the different forms of oppression placed on their reproductive rights by the White community. Silliman et al. (2004) discussed the roles of federal population policies in encouraging racism and discrimination against black women.

Feminism is about listening to other people and their experiences. Unfortunately, in the past, the feminist movement has not done this much. This can be seen in how feminists from different demographics see the same topics and issues. Chapter 4 of Feminism: Issues & Arguments by Jennifer Saul and “Racism, Birth Control, and Reproductive Rights”, a chapter of Women, Race, and Class by Angela Davis, approach the topic of birth control very differently. In this essay, I will be discussing these differences.

She urged the society to stop blaming women for making such decisions, “We don’t think that women have the right to self, they are supposed to live for others” (p.17). She also discussed the true social benefits of abortion rights and forced her readers to think about real life consequences of pregnancies under different circumstances. What about pregnancies resulting from rape or incest? What about the choice that a mom possesses over bringing a fetus with profound abnormalities? Pollitt does not wish for any rules or exceptions to be imposed; no blame or shame or moral judgment she only demands the freedom of choice for every woman.

In Dorothy Roberts’ book “Killing the Black Body: Race, Reproduction and The Meaning of Liberty” (1997), we are challenged to consider the meaning of reproductive liberty. Dorothy writes: Reproductive liberty is a matter of social justice, not individual choice”. While this statement implies a woman’s right to make decisions regarding her body as an inalienable right, that was certainly not the case with thousands of Puerto Rico women were sterilized. Consent must be a decision that is reached with full disclosure on the choice being made. Without the knowledge needed to make an educated decision or if someone is threatened as in the case of the women in the “No Mas Bebes”, it is more coercion and manipulation than

As a woman, I realize my place in society. But as a black woman, I realize the opportunities that could be taken away from me any second. While reading When Pregnance is Outlawed, Only Outlaws Will Be Pregnant by Tiloma Jayasinghe, I thought about what privileges that would be evoked from me if I were from a low-income family, strung out on drugs, and pregnant. Ayn Rand once stated, “The question isn’t who’s going to let me; it’s who’s going to stop me.” For poor women of color who are on drugs and pregnant, society has come up with ways to control their sexuality. One way Jayasinghe talks about in her essay are the laws that seek to punish these women for “continuing their pregnancy to term, because their drug use allegedly harmed the ‘unborn child (Jayasinghe 266).’” The problem does not lie in the fact that these women are on drugs and poor, but rather the fact that these women are practicing their rights to be sexually active, which lead to pregnancy.

The issue of a woman’s right to her own body, within the last few decades, has become a progressively intriguing social dilemma in American society. More specifically the topic of abortion is not as taboo as it was thirty years ago although the debate has continued as to whether or not the decision should rest solely on the woman. Merriam Webster defines abortion as the termination of a pregnancy after, accompanied by, resulting in, or closely followed by the death of the embryo or fetus as induced expulsion of the human fetus. This is a controversial subject that can be argued quite effectively for or against a woman’s right to choose. The three major sociological perspectives of conflict theory, symbolic interactionism, and functionalism

In this paper, I will argue that the first aspect of Debra Satz’s argument that contract pregnancies contribute to gender equality is correct, but it is simply not a good enough reason to ban contract pregnancies altogether. First, I will give Satz’s argument that contract pregnancies contribute to gender inequality. Although there are three parts to the argument and I will list them all, I will only be going in depth into the first which states “Contract pregnancies give others increased access to and control over women’s bodies.” Then, I will give my opinion on the previous statement and explain why I feel that way. Finally, I will be considering whether that statement is a sufficient reason to ban contract pregnancies.