Analysis Of Frank D. Bean And Charles H. Wood

About four in every ten children born in America in 2008 were born outside of marriage, and they are disproportionately minority and poor. “Only about 6 percent of college-educated mothers’ births are nonmarital versus 60 percent of those of high school dropouts” (5). Scholars responded to this by studying single-parent families.

Reeves, Senior Fellow, Economic Studies Co-Director, Center on Children and Families they state that “There is a growing marriage gap along class lines in America. This may be bad news for social mobility, since children raised by married parents typically do better in life on almost every available economic and social measure.” (Howard and Reeves para. 1) This first portion of the article talks about how not a lot of people are getting married and people not getting married may be causing a whole dilemma within social and economic mobility which in result leads to more families living in poverty. In addition, Howard and Reeves written “In 1950, almost 90 percent of children age 0-14 lived with married parents-- now that proportion has fallen to less than two-thirds of children. The gap in marriage is growing, especially in terms of childbearing. While marriage is struggling against cultural, social and economic headwinds in poorer communities, it is flourishing among affluent, well-educated Americans who are both more likely to marry and more likely to stay married.” (Howard and Reeves para 3.). In paragraph 3 of “The Marriage Effect: Money or Parenting?” they write about how back in the 1950s 90 percent of children grew up in a parenting household but now two parenting house has decreased than two thirds of the

Naomi Gerstel and Natalia Sarksian have shed new light on the subject of minority families and their differences to the traditional nuclear families in their essay, “The Color of Family Ties.” According to their work, those of White descent make up most of all nuclear families which can be described as a father, mother and children all living in one household. Gerstel and Sarkasian point out that it is not always the case that, “Black and Latino/a, especially Puerto Rican families are more disorganized than White families, and that their families ties are weaker,” as they are often thought of by those in politics or the media (62). In fact Gerstel and Sarkasian write, “Blacks and Latinos/as, are as likely as

Family structure is important for developing stability for a child. Its is also a factor in the way a child will themselves feel about the institution of marriage. Likewise, children from ‘non-normal' households are more likely to develop ‘nonnormative' attitudes towards family life. The divorce rates among the impoverished are higher than those of other classes. Higher than that are the divorce rates of African-Americans of the impoverished class. Rector states that "blacks have higher poverty rates, mainly because blacks have lower marriage rates"(Rector, 27 ).

According to the 2010 U.S. Census, 52.4% of Asian Americans over the age of 25 have a bachelor’s degree or higher, compared to only 29.9% of the total population and 30.3% of non-Hispanic White Americans, signifying higher overall educational attainment for this group (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012). However, this high number failed to consider the differences within the Asian population with some subgroups having educational levels that are significantly below the national average. The 2010 U.S. Census also reported that Asian Americans have a significantly higher annual family income than any other racial groups in the country, though it failed to mention that Asian American families tend to be larger with more family members that are contributing to that high annual income number (U.S. Census Bureau, 2012).

In comparison to individuals in couples who were not in mixed relationships, persons in mixed unions were younger, did better socio-economically and were more likely to live in large census metropolitan areas. In addition, for the visible minority population, there were more partners in mixed unions who were Canadian-born in comparison to those who were born outside of Canada, and the quantity increased with generation status. (Milan, A., Maheux, H., & Chui, T. (n.d.).

social class . . . matters most in explaining these [family] differences. It is widely known (and confirmed by U.S. Census data presented in Table 1) that Blacks and Latinos/as tend to have far less income and education than Whites. Families of color are also much more likely than White families to be below the official poverty line. In [their] research, [they] find that the differences in extended family ties and behaviors between Whites and ethnic minorities are primarily the result of these social class disparities (64).

I found my situation very thought-provoking that my family fell within the “51%” of African American kids that were raised by a single mother. Additionally, it was even more interesting that I fell within the “390,000” of black American male that is in an interracial relationship. Furthermore, Black Demographics (n.d.) states that “while black men marry white women at twice the rate of Black women, only 7% of married Black men had White (non-Hispanic) spouses in 2014. About 14% percent of African American men married non-Black or Hispanic women in 2014. It is Asian women who have the highest rates of intermarriage which is twice that of Black men”. As a result, the interracial relationship between black and white Americans has held strong.

Women of Hispanic origin have higher fertility rates than those Non-Hispanic White and Non-Hispanic Black women. As an example, in 2001 Hispanics had 96.0 births per 1,000 women ages 15 to 44, compared with 57.7 births for

First, I will identify and compare individuals’ attitudinal ethnic boundaries found in the 2016 NAAS dataset to boundaries observed from actual interethnic and interracial marriage patterns in the 5-year ACS PUMS dataset. Additionally, multivariate analyses will identify and compare factors that explain such boundary formation in both individual attitudes and intermarriage patterns. Second, I will perform multinomial regression analyses using the pooled ACS dataset to identify how socioeconomic factors, often used to measure the extent of minority incorporation into the mainstream society, affect Asian American interethnic and interracial marriages differently. I seek to explore how nativity and socioeconomic status may explain diverging marital assimilation patterns in relation to Asian American ethnic and racial boundary formation. Lastly, I will examine the effects of gender on Asian Americans’ intermarriage patterns, using multinomial regression analyses of the ACS dataset to identify how socioeconomic and immigrant generational factors may influence men and women differently for each Asian ethnic group. Hierarchical cluster analyses will also be employed to examine the implications of the clustering patterns of Asian American intermarriage on the larger U.S. race

Fertility rates differ when comparing specific cultural, ethnic, and religious groups. There are reasons to explain these rates that vary by population. The first thing to note is that highly educated or families that are well off produce fewer children as their children normally attend college and often weigh the expenditure of time and money when considering more children. The second is that those women not in the labor force on general have more children/larger family on average when compared to those women that are employed. Non-Hispanic whites, due to historically being a largest part of the population, have fertility rates are slightly lower than average. African Americans fertility rates have almost mirrored those of Non-Hispanic

As the number of Asians increased, they have been intermarrying from other races at a higher rate (Gonsoulin and Fu, 258). Intermarriage percent increased from 0.7 percent in 1970 to 5.4 percent in 2000 (Gonsoulin and Fu, 258). High-status Asians are more likely to marry whites than low-status Asians (Gonsoulin and Fu, 260). The out marriage rate among Asians in 2000 was between 30 and 60 percent with Asian women being more likely to marry out that men (Gonsoulin and Fu, 261). Asians who out marry are more likely to be U.S. citizen and have higher socioeconomic status (SES) than their endogamous counterpart (Gonsoulin and Fu, 262). The second generation Asians are about 2.6 times more likely to marry out than the first generation (Gonsoulin and Fu, 270). Asians who out married whites were better educated than those who out married nonwhites (Gonsoulin & Fu, 274). With increased income and education, Asians were more likely to out-marry but the most important factor was the immigrant generation (Gonsoulin & Fu,

Immigration history provides understanding of the geographic location of each ethnic-race group and the interracial and interethnic marriages of each group. Detailed Hispanic and Asian ethnic-race groups have different histories that contributes to their geographic locations. By looking at different geographic locations for detailed groups, we can assess the percentages of those locations having homogenous households or diverse household and determine whether living close to people of the same ethnic-race group influences their household composition. We are considering intermarriages for each detailed group because intermarriage will automatically make the household not homogenous. There are three detailed Hispanic origins that have different

Goldscheider & Goldsheider studied the “feathered nest” theory. They studied whether young adult children were more likely to return to their parents’ house because their parents were affluent and could provide them with everything they needed and most of what they wanted in order to live comfortably. The study broken down and compared the educational levels of the parents and as to whether or not this played into their children leaving and returning home to live with their parents. The studied broken down and compared social and economic classes and tried to get an understanding as to whether or not children born to parents of higher social classes were more likely to leave and return home then children who parents where in the middle to lower class or on public assistance. They studied and compared different occupational levels of the parents to see if children who have parents with higher occupations left and returned home to live after college, then the children who had parents with lower occupations.

Working class families also tended to have more children than middle class families because their labor was often needed to supplement that of their parents.