Nolan Watson
Professor Heather MacLeod
ENGL 199
1 February 2016
Trump Will Make Them Complain: Analysis of “Why Don’t We Complain?”
In his article “Why Don’t We Complain?” William F.Buckley, Jr. describes the increasingly timid behaviour amoung Americans in inconsequential everyday events. Buckley further illustrates this shy behaviour by recounting multiple personal anecdotes; Buckley then attempts to link this helpless, as he calls it, behavior to the increasing level of political indifference within the United States of America. It is my observation that the anecdotes utilized in the article appear to substantiate Buckley’s assertion as a result of the similarity between the political atmosphere and the seemingly insignificant events; furthermore,
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Following this anecdote Buckley goes on to say:
But notice no one [spoke up] did. And the reason no one did is because we are all increasingly anxious in America to be unobtrusive, we are reluctant to make our voices heard, hesitant about claiming our rights … or endure a racking headache before undertaking a head-on, I’m-here-to-tell-you complaint. (Buckley 78)
In this portion of his article Buckley makes a large extrapolation from Americans behaving in a reserved manner on a small-scale, the movie theater, to the more substantial political scale when he mentions the rights. Despite the comparable nature of this anecdote it is unfounded to make such a gargantuan leap without a more a concrete foundation, with the lack of evidence provided this is no more than guesswork. It is problematic to make this claim, because it is inconceivable to anticipate how individuals would behave in a situation with more at stake. It may be that Americans would simply endure even if their rights were on the chopping block, but it is impossible to accurately predict what their response would
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The article appears alluring at first glance; however, closer inspection will reveal that this illusion of plausibility is conjured up by anecdotes with the proportionality to several political phenomena. My issue with this article is summarized by this statement: Often it is the case that items that are directly related are proportional; however, it is false to assume items that are proportional are directly
This week’s first article, “Popular Constitutionalism’s Hard When You’re Not Very Popular: Why the ACLU Turned to Courts” by Emily Zacklin analyzes theories by Kramer and Tushnet on restricting the court’s power in interpreting the Constitution using the ACLU to illustrate the weaknesses of both theories. The ACLU’s initial intention was to go against Marx’s capitalist law and focus their laws on people, instead of capitalism, motivated by Durkheim’s idea of cultural forces. The ACLU lacked a collective conscious of ideas within the group, eliminating the possibility of Tushnet’s congressional deliberation. The ACLU eventually turned to fighting within the courts, even though they did not have a high likelihood of winning, mirroring Galanter’s
Another example is regarding the freedom of assembly and petition. The author explains how as this part of the amendment has been challenged, its meaning has gained influence but also ensured that Americans are still free to go about their normal business and lives. The author’s reasoning and elaboration upon ideas contribute to the overall strength of the argument and relevance of the evidence
Derek Bok argues that American dedication to democracy is embodied in the Frist Amendment and that the freedoms granted in this Amendment are the building blocks of dialogues that contribute to cohesive communities born out of differences. The problem, however, according to Bok, is the difficulty of balancing the protection of these freedoms on campuses and universities where reasoned expression of diverse ideas is encouraged. Bok offers the suggestion that rather than attempt to stifle expression by imposing penalties for what might be considered offensive speech, “speak with those who perform insensitive acts and try to help them understand the effects of their action on others” (69). While this suggestion might imply a reasoned and
Prominent conservative writer and founder of the National Review Magazine, William F. Buckley Jr, in his argumentative essay, “Why Don’t We Complain?” suggests that Americans are extremely passive when it comes to confronting conflicts for fear of causing a bigger affair. Buckley supports his claim by first using colloquial diction, then sarcasm, and finally hyperbole. Buckley’s purpose is to familiarize the passivity of Americans and draw extremes from these actions in order to show his distaste towards the growing phenomena of an unassertive, compliant American society and its repercussions. He adopts an ironic and informal tone for inactive members of society who let more than just everyday occurrences go with no words spoken in objection.
In the essay entitled Shouting ‘Fire’, Alan M Dershowitz writes about the American’s right on the freedom of speech, which it could not always be used for defending ourselves in a trial. Besides, the case that triggered a crowded theater analogy was the prosecution of the general secretary of the Socialist party in Philadelphia, and the recording secretary by being guilty in creating the subordination of the soldiers, assigned in the First World War.
According to Jost (2012), the nation has contradicting views on political issues which divide where we think the appropriate role of the government lies (p. 743). American politics is complex and reflects a partisan system, making it challenging for governmental officials to decide on whether or not to re-examine the constitution. Another crucial point when analyzing this issue, is a person’s positionality in the American society determines their view on the
In Thoreau’s continuing effort to describe the context for citizen rebellion, he beseeches how irrelevant public opinion is if it is not acted on. “How can a man be satisfied to entertain an opinion merely, and enjoy it? Is there any enjoyment in it, if his opinion is that he is aggrieved?” (Thoreau). This question develops a sense of urgency that unless an opinion is acted on, first, there will be a complete absence of realistic results, but second, it simply exacerbates the issue that citizen opinion is against. To an extent, opinions are worthless if there is no motivation behind them, and Thoreau makes this very clear within his essay to assist the exigence behind his straightforward tone.
Or shall free speech and free press and free assemblage continue to eb heritage of the american people?” (Goldman 9). When this is asked it leaves us with her beliefs that America's democracy might be broken and it needs radical repairs. Emma puts America’s democracy in trial in her place and picks out all the flaws in it, which
Throughout once in your life, you may have been confronted with a situation where you accept inconveniences instead of taking action. According to William F. Buckley, American people everywhere have refrained from “trying to rectify irrational vexations”. In Buckley’s essay, “Why Don’t We Complain?” he explains some situations that he was involved in where no one would complain to repair an uncomfortable situation. Throughout the essay, Buckley uses his experiences and strong reasoning to show why he believes that the American people do not complain. Buckley attempts to support that the apathy that Americans would accept inconveniences instead of taking action is the cause of many Americans’
I strongly agree with Buckely’s essay because it stresses the author’s theory that we wait and expect for someone else to complain about fixing an uncomfortable situation, instead of doing it ourselves. Buckley shows an example of this when he writes about himself suffocating in an 85 degrees train. People could not despise the heat as well but they assumed someone would tell them to change the temperature. He says, “we will sit in an oven or endure a racking headache before undertaking a head-on, I’m here-to-tell-you-a-complaint” (Buckley, 62). I agree with Buckley because I have seen people do it multiple times, including myself. I found it unbelievable when he and his wife were at the movie theatre and even if the image was blurry, no one
History panders to the glorious and dramatic while often there is a story untold. Perhaps it is less exciting, but no less crucial in understanding history as a whole. Thus is the story of the “silent majority.” On November 3rd 1969, one year after his victory in the United States Presidential race, President Nixon issued an address to
The balance between the duty of the government, both on a state and federal scale, and the citizens’ view of freedoms has been a continuous struggle throughout the readings. Although many members of America’s youth believe that their participation in politics is aimless, public opinion and voting are very important aspects of shaping the government. Without certain civil rights being granted by the government, these important rights of expression and suffrage would not exist.
In John Sullivan’s Political Tolerance and American Democracy, he explores American public opinion regarding deviant political groups, and how far the people are willing to uphold the democratic values in the face of resistance to the social norms. This is done in order to delve into the long seated “controversies over the legitimacy of radical opposition to its liberal regime” (“Political Tolerance”). Sullivan proceeded to conduct survey research into how far citizens perceived the right to free speech should be protected for their least liked extremist group (“Political Tolerance”). Ultimately, this is done to explore how tolerant the American citizenry is. Sullivan determines that, to explore the depth of tolerance in the United
Finally, the author comes to the conclusion that is obvious to many: if a politician can give us a way to come to a conclusion that feels substantive and doesn’t require an investment of our own time, energy or brain power, we will jump at it whilst giving judgements but never doing any actual research or analysis of our
Within this essay, I will discuss the merits of the case study method for the advancement of refutation of general or midrange comparative politics theories. This essay will proceed in four sections. First, I will discuss the history and application of the case study method within comparative politics. Second, I discuss the advantages of the case study method within the discipline of political science. Third, I acknowledge the limitations and criticisms. I will conclude by highlighting the importance of the case study method and provide examples of how this approach leads to scientific progress.