Annotated Bibliography Examples

Does Modernization lead to Democracy or does it not? My hypothesis for this research question is that modernization does not lead to democracy even as I explore the different kinds of literature written on this subject. As part of my research design I have decided to use a single case study as a comparative method. This is because case studies offer a detailed explanation of the topic of discussion transforming “journalism into political science” (Hague & Harrop, 2013: 361). I have decided to look at Singapore to provide a well-rounded description which will therefore show how it operates in the context of modernization and democracy. One of the primary authors who decided to study the relationship between economic development and democracy was Seymour Martin Lipset in both this books titled Political Man and The Social Requisites of Democracy. (Heo & Tan, 2001) Since his literature came out more and more social scientists began to expand or critique on the words of Lipset in carrying out their own research. It is clear to see that discourses around economic progress and democracy are still debated to this day. Arguments around whether or not democracy should come first then development follows are also being discussed in other areas. However there is a general consensus across the board of most authors that the two are closely related. Many argue that they go hand in hand; it is not wise to have one without the other. In helping to answer my research question the work of

Democratic consolidation has failed to occur in many Third Wave democracies. Many authoritarian incumbents initiated transitions with the purpose of sustaining autocratic rule through partial liberalization, often exploiting the advantages of office to marginalize oppositions. Many transitions resulted in what Levitsky & Way (2010) called competitive authoritarian regimes and others labeled illiberal democracies (Diamond 2009; Zakaria, 1997, 2007) or semiauthoritarian (Ottaway, 2003), electoral authoritarian (Schedler, 2002, 2009), and hybrid (Diamond, 2002) regimes. These governments held elections and tolerated a limited opposition, but only within narrowly constrained political spaces defined by the incumbents (2016: 126).

Entering the Early Independence Era, the Dutch’s role was getting weaker and replaced by the Japanese. However, the Japanese occupation had been just a while before they surrendered to the allies after the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki City. Consequently, a power vacuum occurred in Indonesia that later used by the youth along with President Soekarno and the Vice President Mohammad Hatta to proclaim the independence of Indonesia as a state.

Stephan Haggard, a political scientist from UC Berkeley and Robert Kaufman a professor of public affairs at Rutgers write a book about how there has been a widespread movement from authoritarian to democratic rule among developing countries, often happening alongside terrible economic crises and the adoption of market oriented reforms. These events bring up many questions regarding the relationship between economic and political change. In this book, the authors explore this relationship and ask questions like: What role have economic crises played in current democratization? What favorable economic and institutional conditions is democracy most likely to be strengthened with? Looking at the present political economy as well as 12 Latin American and Asian countries, the authors portray a new method to understanding democratic transitions.

“Please analyse the diversity in modern Indonesia and provide your opinion on its implication on Indonesian’s nation building.”

In the past thirty years, globalization and market openness lead world to a better stage of wealth, however, it is inevitable that without government intervention this prosperity is concentrated in the hands of the small elite. The uneven of wealth distribution or the gap between the rich and the poor called economic inequality. This essay will argue that the government of Indonesia needs to introduce some policies to reduce economic inequality because economic inequality has no benefit at all, Indonesia is a democratic country which aims to improve public welfare, and Indonesia, with the rest of the world, wants to achieve Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

Elections form essential determinants of the democratic levels in any states. Experience has increasingly suggested that the developments of electoral systems that conduct election activities in isolation from the broader political contests are contributing factors to any prevailing political problem that requires democratic solutions. The phrase “miracle on the Han River” describes the rapid economic development of South Korea from the 1960s onwards. In a very short time, the Republic of Korea has achieved a political transformation that occurred in the past quarter-century and has graduated from military dictatorship to the twentieth most democratic country in the world, and the most democratic in Asia, according to the Economist Intelligence Unit. East Asia today is a mixture of liberalism, oligarchy, capitalism, and corruption. (O’Neil 201) and given the general lack of democracy in Asia, it is necessary know how South Korea has embraced democracy so strongly. This paper engages in comparative analysis of electoral systems in South Korea, Japan, Taiwan and North Korea in relation to the impact of these systems on democracy.

From being ruled by an authoritative government, Indonesia now has become a model for democracy in Asia. Over the years, Indonesia has slowly made the transition to democracy. Its new presidential election is clear evidence of this transition because the Indonesians chose to elect a common man to be the president: an official who they thought would understand their struggles. Within 15 years, Indonesia has transitioned from a bureaucratic-authoritarian regime to a formal presidentialism. The newly elected president has already taken steps toward implementing his reforms which consists of pushing to cut down fuel subsidies, getting rid of corruption and encouraging new businesses to invest in Indonesia by giving them tax incentives. These are clear signs that consolidated liberal democracy in Indonesia has already taken place and that Indonesia will continue to be a democratic country in the future.

Issues such as reliability, security and affordability of voting procedures might be seen as factors that can stimulate enthusiasm upon democracy system among potential voters and increase participation. This paper argue that online voting may play important role on enhancing security and cutbacks of burden human and financial resources allocation to election processes. However, in the emerging democracies, like some of Asian countries, in this case Indonesia, exhibit other factors, such as political, cultural, educational, economic sensibilities, that might be weighted before any online voting system is deployed.

I argue that the state is a relatively weak player in delivering public policy in contemporary governance. I make this argument with reference to a program implement after the 1997 economic crisis in Indonesia. Djiwandono (2006) concludes that the economic crisis in 1997 was caused by the combination of weak domestic economic and inefficiencies financial structures and “contagion” forces from external. Specifically, the combination of external shock starting in Thailand in 1997 and the weak Indonesia banking system soon resulted a systemic banking crisis (Omori, 2014). Data shows that Rupiah depreciated 80% in just less than 12 months, economic growth slumped from 7-8% annually to negative growth of approximately 14%, inflation hiked from single digits to 80%, reversed capital flowed by $22 billion, unemployment rose by 5 million and poor people doubled from 12% to close to 25% (Djiwandono, 2006). On January 15, 1998 Indonesian government launched a program known as an “Economic Recovery and Reform Program” or “IMF-Plus Reforms Program”. This was a broad program which consisted of some specific programs such as currency stabilization (Rupiah in term of Dollar), hyperinflation prevention, banking restructuring, structural reformation, private foreign debt settlement and assistance programs for the poor (Ministry of Finance Republic of Indonesia, 2013). The aim of the program is to seize the decline of Rupiah, to restore market lost confidence in government, to deal with

As a reflection of Indonesia’s increased willingness to play a cooperative role in the international arena, the government is becoming increasingly aware of the importance of providing a systematic data to measure development progress. Although there are many instances where various international development programs are being incorporated into the national development plan, in this dissertation I present a case study on the integration of the MDGs into the Indonesia’s national development plan as a specific example where the Indonesian government takes a proactive role in integrating an international development agenda into its national development plan.

The democratic process of Southeast Asian countries, such as Malaysia and Singapore, has seen very little significant changes from civil society action. While each of these countries have claimed to be democratic nations, there has been little change in terms of government rule since their independence. These civil society groups are ones that reflect the ideas and values of a group of people, in pursuit of a common goal. The changes that have resulted are in Malaysia and Singapore’s governments, have been to restructure or assert their power to maintain control over these civil societies. This has been accomplished through media reform and regulations. Opposition to these ruling systems have been met with great friction, but nonetheless have seen some success in changing the state of its operation in small ways, yet not significantly due to the scope of their power.

Two rounds of gubernatorial election occurred in February and April of 2017 to elect a governor of the capital of Indonesia, Jakarta. Popular incumbent governor Basuki Tjahaja or “Ahok” was expected to have a tight race. Unfortunately, after a series groundbreaking religious manipulations by the organization the Islamic Defenders Front (F.P.I. in Bahasa), he decisively lost to Anies Baswedan. Through usage of Ashok's double minority status as a Christian and ethnic chinese the F.P.I. managed to convince voters he was not the right fit, even after his success in creating a more transparent budget and improving infrastructure. The F.P.I persuaded people through flashy, deceitful, slogans accusations of blasphemy and capitalizing on

Michel Foucault gives the reason to the investigation through his thoughts on power or knowledge, govern-mentality, and problematisation. This essay will examine how The Indonesian National Program for Community Empowerment (PNPM) policy as a government strategy to alleviate poverty will be critically analysed, which Carol Bacchi operationalises

Chapter two is a literature review done on democracy at the level of the world, and democracy in Tonga and in Bhutan. The literature review includes the methodology used for the research and the guiding research questions which would help in making a comparative study of democracy in the two countries.