External intervention for humanitarian purposes has proven to be a controversial issue both when it has happened, as seen in Bosnia and Kosovo and when it failed to happen, as in Rwanda. The idea of humanitarian intervention in order to prevent or stop crimes against humanity would appear to be reasonable, since the international community has the economic and military advantage needed in order to stop the violence that mainly occurs in third world countries (Kuperman, 2008: 49). Nevertheless, for years the idea of intervention in another state’s affairs has been considered a breach of state sovereignty and therefore it has been avoided in many cases (Thakur, 2002:325). Following the tragedies in Rwanda and Kosovo, in 1999 UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan tried to get an international sense on the issue by questioning the world, “If humanitarian intervention is, indeed, an unacceptable assault on sovereignty, how should we respond to Rwanda, to Srebrenica to gross and systematic violations of human rights that affect every precept of our common humanity?” (Evans, 2004:79). …show more content…
The R2P norm gives states the right to intervene in other states affairs, when there is serious breach of human rights or of the international humanitarian law in that state, that occurs in cases such as civil wars, state repression, insurgencies and state collapse (Evans & Shahnoun, 2001:11). Nevertheless, this is all easier said then done. The essay will begin by discussing internal concerns for humanitarian intervention by states in which the focus is on the risk of its own citizen’s lives by sending them to operate outside its borders. The essay will then follow with the moral claim to wage war in defense of human rights, thus focusing on how it affects the welfare of individuals (Heinze,
McDoom, Omar S. 2013. ‘To Aid, or Not to Aid? The Rwanda-United Nations University.’ United Nations University. http://unu.edu/publications/articles/to-aid-or-not-to-aid-the-case-of-rwanda.html (October 23, 2015).
Humanitarian interference positions a hard trial for an international society constructed on the doctrines of sovereignty, intervention, and the use of force. Directly after the holocaust, the society of states recognized the laws prohibiting genocide, forbidding the exploitation of civilians, and identifying plain human rights. These humanitarian values often clash with doctrines of sovereignty. Sovereign states are required to perform as protectors of their citizens’ security, but what happens if states act as villains towards their own people, treating power as a pass to kill? Should dictatorial states be recognized as valid members of international society and permitted the protection afforded by the intervention norm? Or else, most states loss their sovereign rights and be exposed to reasonable intervention if they aggressively abuse or fail to protect their citizens? Connected to this, what responsibilities do other states or organizations have to enforce human rights standards against governments that vastly violate them?
Humanitarian intervention is argued to be a necessary means as to prevent foreign states abusing the human rights of its citizens; this position is essentially held by the powers which have the capacity to undertake (but also to undermine) these international interventions. This argument that if taken at face value could be seen by the majority as a respectable position to support as it is popularised by the altruistic feelings garnered from the vocal support, or silent nonchalance towards the enacting powerful groups of humanitarian intervention agencies such as the United Nations (UN) and the United States of America (USA/US). This essay will expand upon the moral codes of which humanitarian interventions are based upon; I do however counter these idyllic foundations with the outcomes from two specific case studies being the US’s Iraq “humanitarian intervention” and the UN’s Libyan humanitarian intervention. These two case studies showcase the alternative neo-colonialist motives behind organizations’ altruistic façade which frames the lives of people as sufferers in conflicts, which is done to support their interventions.
MOGAI people are underrepresented in Computer Science and Computer engineering due to many of the same reasons why women are underrepresented: the amount of social pressure for cis-white-straight-conservative-males (CWSCMs) to go into STEM and for those not CWSCMs to pursue more “fitting” positions and fields; the amount of “brogrammer,” “brogamer,” misogyny, homophobia, transphobia, xenophobia, and “straight male” dominance in STEM and tech fields and culture; and finally the amount of inequitable barriers to STEM and tech fields. This is entirely unethical and needs to be changed greatly to improve STEM and tech fields, along with giving equity to MOGAI individuals and the community. In addition, many argue that these demands would be “special” or “extra” rights, which is inaccurate as this assumes the actions needed to boost non-CWSCM people to equitable positions would cause an inequitable situation for CWSCMs.
Summary and Comparison: A Psychological Interview Analysis of Levinson’s Life Structure Approach and Erikson’s Theory of Human Development Approach
In the course of a hundred days in 1994, over 800,000 Tutsi and moderate Hutu were killed in the Rwandan genocide. It was the fastest, most efficient killing spree of the twentieth century. My thesis is that the international community utterly failed to prevent and stop this atrocity. I will focus on numerous interconnected aspects that led to international inaction and also on the main actors, Belgium, the United Nations Secretariat, the United States and France, that knew that there was genocide underway in Rwanda - therefore, they had a responsibility to prevent and stop the genocide, but lacked political will. This led to inaction at the level of the Security Council (SC), where member states
Before relating the R2P to the Darfur Crisis it is important to understand the fundamental tenants of the R2P debate in relation to humanitarian intervention and the repercussions for state sovereignty. The R2P concept can trace its modern origin to the address given by former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan, to the General Assembly in 1999 putting forward the challenge of preventing another Rwanda.
In this paper I will examine the United Nation Security Council attempts at intervention in Rwanda. I will point out the interventions
Creating relations between races and ethnicity's has always been vital to the success of the world. The United States and the international community have been, more often than not, late to stop violent acts against humanity. It took decades after the United Nations was created, and after a horrendous genocide in Rwanda, for the International Criminal Court to be created. Despite these two establishments created for international peace and security, crimes against humans rights are still occurring.When human rights are being violated, it is necessary for the U.S. and its allies to intervene in ethnic conflicts. While others may say humanitarian intervention goes against a state’s sovereign authority,it is necessary to protect
The analysis of the genocides that took place both in Rwanda and Sudan’s Darfur region exhibit some similarities as well as differences. The character of violence was similar in both cases, but in Rwanda the violence was more intense, participatory, and extraordinary. The violence in these two places took place in an environment that had experienced civil wars. It was a period of political transition which was further aggravated by ethnic nationalism and a conflict of ethnic populations that were living in close proximity. However, in the Rwandan genocide, the state is more centralized, compact, and effective. This is what explains the intensity and variation. The international response to these genocides through observers emphasized on
In fact, many still attribute the instability and poverty of the Great Lakes region directly to the Rwandan genocide and the long-lasting scars it has left. Thus, the importance of intervention in events of the genre of the Rwandan genocide is clear. The impacts of mass atrocities, like genocide or war crimes extend beyond just the people being targeted, but rather, affect the whole country, the whole region, the whole world. The ripple effects of a genocide are far-reaching and catastrophic, making it essential that intervention occurs before such events are allowed to run their devastating course. Along with our moral responsibility to ensure that sovereign states do not use their sovereignty with impunity, the interconnectedness of our globalized world make it essential that the Responsibility to Protect doctrine, a policy of interventionism for humanitarian purposes with clear parameters, is used to avert future Rwanda's, Congo’s and Burundi’s from
The novel (Lord of the Flies) by William Golding a reflection and a representation of the 20th century. This novel shows the various social, political, literary and a historical factor in the 20th century in which (Lord of The Flies) was written. Before we start, will mention that Golding's own experience as a teacher in boys' school was reflected ? in his choice of all the characters boys not girls. The political and historical factors of the 20th century are clear in this novel.
Much recent discourse surrounding humanitarian intervention has focused on the responsibility to protect (R2P). Prevention is a key component for good international relations and few would say it is not important, but as evidence to date would show prevention is very ineffective, the legality of military intervention still needs to be debated, as to date there is no consensus. For any intervention to be legitimate, whether unilateral or multilateral, it must comply with international law. So as not to cause any confusion, any situation in which an “intervention” is done with the permission or by request of the state being intervened, should be considered humanitarian assistance as state sovereignty is not breached. This paper will
In order to examine the Rwandan Genocide in the context of failed international intervention, I have chosen to look at the Genocide from a Realist perspective. The Realist paradigm focuses on states and their influence in the global sphere. Realists believe that states are only driven by power and that their policies therefore reflect these desires for power. States want to secure their security and the longevity of their nation and their ideologies. Waltz portrays this paradigm quite simply by stating: “Success is the ultimate test of policy and success is defined as preserving and strengthening the state. These views reign true when examining the Rwandan Genocide, therefore I believe that the international community's lack of response to
The death penalty Is by far the most severe punishment that can be placed on criminal offenders. Over the years, the death penalty has taken some major advancements that reflects the type of crime that it is being used for. Many would think that the fear of being put to death by lethal injection would convince those committing these crimes to be fearful, but that has not been the case. Many believe that the manner in which the death penalty is carried out is a breach of the Constitution of the United States. This paper will examine and explain the history of the death penalty, the data that is both for and against the utilization of the death penalty as it deterrent to crime.