Introduction In this paper, this author will examine in light of Benedict Anderson's ideas how theories of nationalism can be instructive and helpful in formulating future US foreign policy initiatives in the Middle East region. These would be policies that could simultaneously address Palestinian anger over Israeli settlements on the one hand, and Israel's persistent security concerns on the other, against a backdrop of political tumult and popular uprisings in neighboring Egypt. By understanding these theories, State Department pronouncements can sell the idea of peaceful coexistence over the heads of governments and directly to the people in the street who are making policy in the wake of the Arab Spring. Analysis In the chapter on cultural roots, he offers a number of historical bases that make possible the imagining of a nation. Benedict Anderson in the chapter on cultural roots observes that a notion of nationhood arises first in the death of religious beliefs and is now a principal force in aspects of modern thought. The decline of belief in religion causes a deep void that needs to be filled for the devotee. When there is no irrevocable truth, one needs to be manufactured to supplant it. Changes in the religious community that are brought about by the decline in religious belief give rise to this nationalism along with the decline of sacred languages. This brings about the growth of secular languages so necessary in nationalism. As a result of this, the
While the aftermath of World War II is often referred to as one of the primary creators of deep rooted turmoil in the Middle East region, the effects of the Cold War and the United States often over-zealous battle against communism is just as much a contributor if not more. The Arab world and the Middle East region were clearly going through quite an extraordinary period throughout World War II and its conclusion, primarily with the creation of most of the states we recognize today and struggling with the continuation of colonialism. These factors set the stage for the emergence of strong nationalist sentiments and Pan-Arab movements across the Middle East. Unfortunately, and much to the detriment of the region, the leaders of these young
Any reference to conflict turns history into a reservoir of blame. In the presence of conflict, narratives differ and multiply to delegitimize the opponent and to justify one’s own action. Narratives shape social knowledge. The Israeli Palestinian conflict, both Jews and Muslims, view the importance of holding the territories through religious, ideological, and security lenses, based on belief that Palestine was given by divine providence and that the land belongs to either the Israelis or Palestinian’s ancestral home. Understanding these perspectives is required for understanding Palestinians’ and especially Israel’s strategy and role in entering the Oslo peace process. Despite
The Israel-Palestine conflict is one of the most long-term, pressing, and largely confounding social, political, and national quandaries of our age. Since we have been moving with surprising velocity into the vast horizons of globalization, the conflict has built up tremendous momentum and has called into question the adequacy of our current attempts at coming to a peaceful resolution that can simultaneously and successfully address both sides of the struggle. The purpose of this paper has been to understand the prospect of a two-state nation solution for Israel and Palestine. The discussion arises a retrospective view of the context behind the present analysis. We begin with a discourse that informs the reader of the historical narrative between the Jewish inhabitants of Israel and the Palestinians who also seek to live in the lands which comprise Israel. At the forefront of the discussion are some key issues such as trends in Israeli settlement expansion over time, the manner in which these settlements create political challenges towards the prospect of a two-state solution, and the fragmentation of power within Palestinian political parties which inhibit the opportunity for proper negotiations amongst the two parties. Finally, we delve into a discussion on nationalism, it’s importance in the discussion of a two-state solution, and the challenges posed when trying to formulate US Foreign Policy towards the matter.
Jingoism intwined with governmental policy and “a majority…of Americans…grant[ing] spontaneous consent to foreign policy militancy” influences policies related to foreign and national security in the United States.1 European history of colonialism and imperialism impacted the development of foreign policy and national security. In Culture, National Identity, and the “Myth of America,” Walter L. Hixson leniently critiques American foreign policy, while advocating towards a more “cooperative internationalism.”2 Melvyn P. Leffler in National Security, Core Values, and Power fails to formulate an engaging argument for national security policies reflection of America core values. In reference to foreign and national security policy, both Hixson and Leffler refer to the impact of hegemony, with Leffler’s mention succinct and without specific detail. In the United States, foreign policy leans towards jingoism, while national security policy develops from general core values.
Throughout Middle Eastern, beginning in the 1800’s many changes and continuities have occurred and shaped what there national identity is in present day. Religion and literature have remained a continuous factor throughout this time period; where as a very successful oil discovery and currently changing government help shape the Middle Eastern national identity
In the past decade it has become more common in the media, college campuses, and among public intellectuals argue for the sake of “Anti-Zionism,” and state that Israel is an “illegitimate” state (Harrison, p. 9). Those who are looking to start a “New” anti-Semitism often have this opinion. Harrison states the rebuttals that have follows these claims. One of the rebuttals is that, “anti-Zionism, by its nature cannot be anti-Semitic, since it consists in opposition to Zionism, not in opposition to Jews or to Judaism per se” (Harrison, p. 9). This rebuttal goes against the opinion of other authors who state anti-Semitism and anti-Zionism interchangeable. Another rebuttal is that “if there has been a resurgence in anti-Semitism in the West, and in the Islamic world, it is entirely occasioned by justifiable indignation at the conduct and policies of Israel” (Harrison, p. 9). Harrison states that “anti-Zionists” wish to be regarded as “anti-racists,” as if Zionism is a form of racism. Harrison continues to state that Zionism is not a form of racism, but a form of nationalism. Harrison’s idea that Zionism is a form of nationalism coinsides with C.R. Power and Sharon Power’s
The cycle of settlement, exodus, and displacement is central to that of Jewish history. Theodor Herzl’s “A Jewish State” explores this question in depth in light of the inception of the political Zionist movement and the general rise of nationalism across the Middle East. “A Jewish State” serves to capitalize on unrest of the Jewish people in light of segregation in European states through connections that rely upon two relatively recent developments in the Western world at the time: imperialism and the repercussions of the Industrial Revolution. The language of the document is connected to a general theme of hierarchy and power dynamics both in Jewish society and in the context of states. Additionally, sophisticated word choice suggests that the intended audience would be Jewish individuals with a high level of education and possibly status and wealth.
Nationalism is how one feels toward their nation. Therefore nationalism determines how strong a nation is, by the unity of the people. America was very young as a nation in the early to mid 1800s and was not meeting the standards of the people. Changes needed to be made. Nationalism was changed in America with many great reform movements taking place which warped America to what it is today. Education reform, Industrial revolution, and transportation alongside technological advancements played a large roll in nationalism.
The primary source depicts a large group of people marching behind a man carrying a nationalist flag. This cartoon also shows that the leader is leading his followers off a cliff. The source is arguing that people will blindly follow their leaders when consumed by nationalistic fervor. The source presents the ideas that nationalism in a negative light because it leads to a packed mentality and numerous deaths. The negative view of nationalism is reinforced by the blind commitment of the people as no one questions whether the leader’s actions. The pack mentality created by nationalism although unifying it has also resulted an unquestioning culture following the leader. The problem behind this is that the unskilled and uncaring leader is going
Anderson recognizes the difficulty that arises from attempting to define nation, nationality and nationalism. Despite its influence on modern life Anderson’s aim in this essay is to prove that nationalism is a created by “cultural artefacts”. He proposes that a nation is an “imagined political community”. This imagined community does not require face to face interactions between its members. Anderson then goes on to discuss what he terms the “cultural roots” of which these ideologies stemmed from. He says the dwindling down of religious beliefs was responsible for the creation of nationalism and the concept of a nation. My interpretation of this is that because the unifier that previously existed (religion) was “ebbing” a new unifier needed to be put into place, thus the concept of nationalism was created. He points out
Often called “the People’s Spring”, the Revolutions of 1848 marked a time of political and social turmoil widespread across the European continent. It is during this time we see monarchies overthrown, the formation of new countries, and “radical ideologies” such as Nationalism, and Liberalism become the beliefs of the middle-class. The populations of European countries were growing at a rate never seen before. The masses started becoming agitated with the current monarchial system of government ruling across Europe in the nineteenth-century, and wanted change that would bring about individual freedom and equality. It is well known that the Revolutions of 1848 were multi-casual, and that there was not just one factor that can be
Religion is a vital part of daily life in every Middle Eastern country, informing the ways in which most ordinary citizens understand politics as well as their own place in the world. Today, the political left in Israel views the Israel state more as a protector of the Jewish community than as a strictly religious state. On the right, Zionism is broadly viewed as an effort to realize God’s intention that the Jewish people establish a Kingdom of God in that specific land. Today, Judaism
For many centuries, Judaic and Arabian societies have engaged in one of the most complicated and lengthy conflicts known to mankind, the makings of a highly difficult peace process. Unfortunately for all the world’s peacemakers the Arab-Israeli conflict, particularly the war between Israel and the Palestinian Territories, is rooted in far more then ethnic tensions. Instead of drawing attention towards high-ranking officials of the Israeli government and Hamas, focus needs to be diverted towards the more suspect and subtle international relations theory of realism which, has imposed more problems than solutions.
Since many religions have started in the Middle East, it has become the center for erupting conflicts. For instance, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has been in the news for many reasons. Both groups want control of the God given land that they both claim is theirs, according to God, and what had happened in the past. The result of the conflict is religious terrorism (PBS, 1). Continuing, some Middle Eastern politics have been in conflict, even dividing communities of the
Since the early 20th Century, Israelis and Palestinians have been fighting over the land between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. With the assumption that Palestine is a state to facilitate discussion, this report sketches out the most significant elements of the conflict on the three levels defined by Kenneth Waltz, and applies the Realist theory of international relations (IR) to the “Two-State” solution.