Black Feminist Politics and Praxis in Respect to UConn Reads Active Learning Activity Black Feminist Politics and theory grew out of many black women 's feelings of dissatisfaction following the civil rights era, and the white female feminist movement throughout the 1960-1970s. During the early conceptualization process of black feminist theory, the women of this new movement, specifically Kimberlé Crenshaw, came to name the term “intersectionality theory.” Black Feminist Politics and theory argues that sexism, racism, class oppression, and gender identity are intricately bound together. Complexly, they serve to maintain subjugation and suppression. In this essay, we will investigate the formulation and a brief history of Black Feminist …show more content…
The organization was instrumental in stating that the mainstream white feminist movement was not meeting their wants or needs. In their Collective Statement they spoke, “A combined antiracist and antisexist position drew us together initially, and as we developed politically we addressed ourselves to heterosexism and economic oppression under capitalism” (1982, 4). This statement truly grasped a portrait of the politics and thoughts of black feminists. As previously, mentioned, Black Feminist Politics is the intersectional analysis of the multitude of oppressions that black women face. It is not just the experience, for example, of sexism or racism, it is the overlapping prejudices and microagressions that black women face daily. Black Feminist Politics seeks to end these prejudices, discriminations, and microagressions. The Combahee River Collective was a crucial assemblage of individuals who expanded the politics and thought-process of black feminists. The Combahee River Collective Statement was a very important document because it set forth the foundations of contemporary black feminist thought and theory.
When analyzed from the historical standpoint, overwhelmingly, black women who participated in the feminist movement during this time were often met with racism. The racism that they faced was often in the
Doetsch-Kidder’s (2016) monograph defines the important role of intersectionality as a defining sea-change in the way that women of color began to unify across racial and cultural barriers. Interviews with minority activists define the perception of the diversification of feminist ideology through the lens of intersectionality. One interview with a African-American activist named Donna illustrates the unity between women of color that evolved in the 1970s: “But overall, we are all fighting for civil rights, so there has to be some type of overlap with each one” (Doetsch-Kidder, 2016, p.103). This development defines the “overlapping’ ideology of different feminist groups, which soon began to devolve the racial and cultural barriers not only between women of color, but also with white feminist groups. In Doetsch-Kidder’s (2016) point of view, the civil rights movement laid the foundation for intersectional feminist principles to be practiced for women seeking greater representation in the workplace.
“I am a black feminist… I recognize that my power as well as my primary obsessions come as a result of my blackness as well as my womaness, and therefore my struggles on both of these fronts are inseparable” … As a woman of color, I find that some feminists don’t seem terribly concerned with the issues unique to women of color—the ongoing effects of racism and post-colonialism, the status of women in the Third World, working against the trenchant archetypes black women are forced into (angry black woman, mammy, hottentot, and the like). (Gay 173).
Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment. Ed. By Patricia Hill Collins. (New York: Routledge, 2000. ii, 336 pp. Cloth, $128.28, ISBN 0-415-92483-9. Paper, $26.21, 0-415-92484-7.)
As a result, the black feminist movement developed, where black women were the sole leaders of the movement that liberated all people. Many black women believed that it was counterproductive for the Civil Rights Movement to neglect the needs of black woman because black men continued to use the same systemic oppression that white people used against them on black women. In “I Am a Revolutionary Black Woman,” Angela Davis writes that “black women constitute the most oppressed sector of society” (Davis 461). It is evident that black women have been super exploited by American society economically, sexually, and politically, making them the lowest on the social hierarchy. Because of black women’s low social standing, if the black woman is liberated, then everyone else will follow, which will ensure the liberation of all people. Thus, Davis argues that “women’s liberation is especially critical with respect to the effort to build an effective black liberation movement” (461). Unlike Hamer, Davis believes that black women should liberate themselves from the black man if they are too oppressive like the white man; black men should be held accountable for their chauvinistic efforts, and should embrace the fight for liberation of women just as black women supported the liberation of black men.
In the monograph, Ain’t I A Woman: Black Women and Feminism, the author describes the complexity of black womanhood from a black women’s perspectives. This book shows the impact of sexism on the lives of black women, discussing the persistent racism of the women’s movement. Even with the many present issues, “scholars in this field are in a unique position because of their ability to explore the intersection of race, sex, and class as experienced by black women in ways that are impossible for other segments of the population” (Sheftall
Being a black woman, in a “white man’s” world, is a very hard thing to encounter; especially growing up in the south where racism is still clearly evident. Georgiana, Al, the small town I grew up in, a white man owns everything. The only exception is the night club that is open only Thursday thru Saturday, but even that business is on the way of being shut down just because it is a popular business owned by a black man. Growing up I have seen first-hand racism, discrimination, and stereotyping against towards the black community.
The Combahee River Collective “was a black feminist lesbian organization active in Boston from 1874 to 1980.” Their key proclamation was to highlight the fact that the feminist movement was mainly about the priorities of white women, and in no way helped the needs of Black women and other women of color. “Black feminist presence has evolved most obviously in connection with the second wave of the American women’s movement beginning in the late 1960s.” Though this was a good thing, Black women still were receiving no spotlight and still struggled with racism and sexism. However, in 1973, Black feminists who were located in New York started their own group called the National Black Feminist Organization.
They argued that the initial feminist ideologies merely fought to give white women equal opportunities with white men. Therefore, the misrepresentation of the minority women ignited anger as they felt white women will oppress the minority once they become equal to their counterpart. They changed their organization target from only black women to third world women. This was done to unify and reflect awareness to the organization. They attracted welfare mothers, community workers, and campus radicals (Third World Women’s Alliance,132). Moreover, the issues they challenged included family gender roles and racism. The members of the Third World Women’s Alliance worked towards eliminating the stereotype that the black communities are run by the female gender. This myth caused others outside of the organization to believe inequality wasn’t a concern in black communities.
In history, women have always struggled to gain equality, respect, and the same rights as men. Women had had to endure years of sexism and struggle to get to where we are today. The struggle was even more difficult for women of color because not only were they dealing with issues of sexism, but also racism. Many movements have helped black women during the past centuries to overcome sexism, racism, and adversities that were set against them. History tells us that movements such as the Feminist Movement helped empower all women, but this fact is not totally true. In this paper, I will discuss feminism, the movements, and its "minimal" affects on black women.
Black feminism argued that in order to view this oppression, you must view racism, class oppression and sexism as bounded together, which are also known as intersectioanlity. The black feminist theory argues that black women have been disregarded along the lines of gender, class, race and sexuality, as well as how mainstream white feminist theory has not accounted for the racial, economic and gender oppression that black females experience (Hook, Pg.378). However, a black feminist legal scholar, Kimberle Crenshaw notes that within the feminist theory and even antiracist feminism, black women are excluded because of the discrete set of experiences that exclude the experiences of black women (Crenshaw, Pg. 1245). Crenshaw allows us to realize the oppression black women face, but does not argue that the oppression of black women is greater then other coloured women. Thus, underling that intersectioanlity is needed to understand the oppression black females face within
Facing the challenges of overcoming racism and sexism are daunting. According to Pew Research Center, despite research and a consensus that women should have the same rights as men, gender inequality is still present (2010). Doubling down on the gender inequality are issues of race and viewpoints of position. Perceptions are Black have improved their position in society, but does that include black women? With all the media of attention of Black Lives Matter and hands up don’t shoot, the focus remains on actions committed against black men. I agree there little to no awareness for black women. I have not heard of any of the names or cases of brutality against black women discussed in Intersectionality. I try to remain aware of social issues and the heartbeats of movements, but the attention black women’s issues do not exist. Our male hegemony buried women’s issues for a longtime and buried black women’s issues even further. This extends to availably and context of black women in history. The nonmainstream history of women is a resounding echo chamber for the problems women, specifically black women face in a white male dominated America. Gender Histories have taught us of marginalization and annihilation of women’s contributions in western society. Their resounding fight against male dominated societies have not been inclusive of all
In an attempt to define Black Feminism, Collins clarifies that it must “avoid the idealist position that ideas can be evaluated in isolation from the groups that create them (Collins 385).” This clarification forms her basis for why Black Feminism is necessary, and who it serves. Thinking about feminism historically, the concerns of black women were pushed aside in favor of fighting sexism; a notable example occurs within the Suffrage movement, where votes for white women were prioritized over women of color in order to push such legislation through. And even when feminism began looking at other social injustices, such as racism and class issues, often only prominent feminists were invited to the discussion. What resulted was, and often continues to be, a problem of white women speaking for oppressed people. It’s impossible, Collins argues, to have Black Feminist thought without examining the experiences and positions of African American women. Therefore, Black Feminism must be a movement that “encompasses theoretical interpretations of Black women’s reality by those who live in it (Collins 386).” However, such a definition brings about many questions:
In an attempt to define Black Feminism, Collins clarifies that it must “avoid the idealist position that ideas can be evaluated in isolation from the groups that create them (Collins 385).” In reality, this forms her basis for why Black Feminism is necessary, and who it serves. Thinking about feminism historically, the concerns of black women were pushed aside in favor of fighting sexism, most notably during the Suffrage movement. And even when feminism began looking at other social injustices, such as racism and class issues, only prominent feminists were invited to the discussion. What resulted was, and often continues to be, a problem of white women speaking for oppressed people. It’s impossible, Collins argues, to have Black Feminist thought without examining the experiences and positions of African American women. Therefore, Black Feminism must be a movement that “encompasses theoretical interpretations of Black women’s reality by those who live in it (Collins 386).” However, such a definition brings about many questions: who’s experiences are valued, how do black women take their voice back, and how can they center feminist thinking on their own unique standpoint?
As African-American women address social issues that are important to their life experiences, such as class and race, instead to acknowledge “common oppression” of gender inequality, they are often criticized by “white bourgeois feminists” (hooks, 2000). Their ability to gain any form of equality within society is tarnished by such groups as they develop a “fear of encountering racism” from simply joining this movement (hooks, 2000). As white men, black men, and white women oppress them, their issues are often ignored due to reoccurring stereotypes and myths that claim black women are strong, independent, and “superhuman” (hooks, 2000). It becomes extremely difficult to seek liberation and equity within a “racist, sexist, and classist” society, as their gender and race causes them to be at the “bottom of the occupational ladder” and “social status” (hooks, 2000, pg. 16). As black women are perceived to demonstrate strength and dynamic qualities as white women perpetrate the image of being
Black feminist thought has gained popularity in recent years and remains a noteworthy matter in view of the fact that in the United States black women form an oppressed group. Inequality entails a complex situation, in which oppression cannot be identified as one type, for example, race, gender, class or sexual preference. In this particular situation, we will acknowledge the challenges from the standpoint of black feminists. Patricia Hill Collins educates us through the four tenets of black epistemology, in addition to the contradictions against the scientific methods of social science; positivistic knowledge. Beyond the characteristics of epistemology, there are several key implications for black feminist thought.