Bouchard's Argument Analysis

Fred Cutler and Matthew Mendelsohn’s article “Unnatural Loyalists or Naive Collaborationists? The governments and Citizens of Canadian Federalism”, delved into a compelling analysis of Canadian citizens and federalism. In a country of much diversity, as discussed in lecture, it is difficult for citizens to hold the ‘right’ government accountable because of the blame shifting each level of government does. To give an illustration, this article briefly touches upon the propaganda the provincial and federal government use to shift blame on one another for policies such as healthcare and education. However Cutler and Mendelsohn go one step further and analyze if Canadian citizens are able to judge policies without allowing their provincial status

Trudeau’s three-phased Senate reforms give minority group leaders an opportunity to represent their communities. The reforms attempt to shift the focus from gaining support for the Liberal party, to a collection of different and diverse minds within the Senate. The first phase of the reforms focused on the “[removal of] all senators from the national Liberal caucus”, which inherently suggested that “senators [no longer] have formal or organic ties with the Liberal caucus, nor do they have any organizational, financial or other formal responsibilities within the Liberal Party” (Dion, 2015, para. 5). Going from there, the “[creation of] a new, nonpartisan, merit-based, broad and diverse process to advise the prime minister on Senate appointments” was the second item on the agenda (Dion, 2015, para. 6). Finally, the third phase targeted the inclusion of marginalized groups, such as women and minorities, in the Senate (Dion, 2015). Therefore, Trudeau’s appointments are changing the direction of the Senate to include historically-oppressed minorities and their representatives.

What most surprised me this week was just how similar, by the 1980s, the Progressive-Conservatives and the Liberals when it came to government policy. It is also an interesting commentary on the historical narrative when comparing how Pierre Trudeau and Brian Mulroney in contemporary historiography.

This research paper hopes to be an exploration of the similarities of Pierre Trudeau and Justin Trudeau’s electoral platforms and policies in the topics of culture, foreign policy and affairs, and equality and answer the question of how both Trudeau platforms have worked, or will work towards similar goals. Policies by Pierre Trudeau in this paper will have been carried out, whereas policies by Justin Trudeau will be those that have been carried out, or those that were included in his relatively recent electoral platform that have not been started or finished.

The relationship between the Canadian government and Quebec has been in constant turmoil for years. This paper will discuss and critique Quebec’s five demands made in 1986 by the Liberal government and their current implications. Reasonable demands are ones in which a limited amount of asymmetrical federalism grants provincial sovereignty. Currently all provinces have certain guaranteed rights, however Quebec’s rights provide more autonomy. Quebec, though home to the largest population of French speaking Canadians, have asked too much of the Government of Canada. This is evident Quebec’s increased control over immigration, Supreme Court Justices appointment, and their veto on future constitutional negotiations. Conversely, the demand of recognizing Quebec as a distinct society is however reasonable and has been accommodated into Canadian society, and the ability to restrict federal spending power keeps the federal power in check. In this essay, I will discuss each demand, and argue whether or not it is reasonable.

At the beginning of the twentieth century came universal suffrage the general population gaining the vote, giving ordinary people the power to influence political decisions. This gave power to the social movements of the sixties and early seventies striving for tribal identity in the promoting of social causes, they started to have an influence by restraining government policies in setting the agenda. As these movements gained political strength, governments countered this by setting up departments to cover these concerns reassuring the public these departments would look after these issues. The government’s adoption of the social movements was to control the narrative. They were introduced to blunt the effects of these movements influence

How can the Canadian government be dominated by one ruler when it has democratic elections with many competing parties? Mellon believes that Canadian elections have low voter turnouts and even lower public interest. Canadian elections are essentially sporadic. Finally, Mellon also believes that prime ministers “…are supported by a growing circle of advisors, pollsters, and spin doctors that help protect their position,” (Hugh 175). The main focus of Mellon’s argument is this idea of a prime-ministerial government.

The legislative branch of the Canadian government is divided between an upper house, the Senate, and a lower house, the House of Commons. This system is known as a bicameral legislature, and is a feature of many governments. In Canada, much of the legislative and executive power lies in the House of Commons, and by extension the Prime Minister. The Senate, however, exists in its current form primarily for the purpose of legislative review. Despite the Senate’s seemingly negligible role, or perhaps because of it, it is the “most criticized institution of government in Canada” (Franks, 1988). While it has remained largely unchanged, movements aimed at either Senate reform or abolition, have been essential to Canadian politics for much of recent

The lack of flexibility within government, however, as Armstrong articulates that “opposition now comes not only from the big provinces but also from forces such as doctors’ organizations […] those seeking for profit” (Armstrong, p153). Governments’ are influenced from behind the scenes in the form of private investment and wealthy investors such as lobbyists. I do believe that if the government becomes more flexible, it would under these conditions - eliminate public funding across the board and implement a free market due to the persuasion of partisan funding. With the electoral system Canadians have in place, bipartisan voting and four or five-year electoral schedule, it differs political parties from imposing such changes, as they are confined to public opinions (Malcolmson, p227). In comparison, Armstrong defines our ‘rigidity’ as praise for resistance of private corporations and lobbyists, avoiding “pressuring individual legislators” (Armstrong, p21). The for-profit industry is heavily funded, therefore, can offer significantly more public persuasion. Furthermore, as discussed by our guest lecturer, we are geographically linked to the largest for-profit regime on the globe – our television is directly influenced by American advertisements, enticing our population to believing that we are restrained in choice of care by our government.

Intergovernmental relations play a vital role in the successful governing of our Canadian federation. Due to the various forms and levels of governments, the ability for all those in power to be able to communicate, collaborate, consult, negotiate and support the needs and beliefs of Canadians is invaluable. Each province is made up by many sub-divided regions and people, each with their own problems and needs which may act to contradict the needs and problems of others within a neighboring region. This leaves each province under pressure, forced to decide which position will provide the greatest benefit to their constituents. Alliances and coalitions are created amongst provinces and interest groups to help sway the federal government to

Furthermore, populism plays an imperative role in Alberta’s political culture. In fact, Stewart and Archer (2000) maintain that “Alberta politics is leadership politics… encouraging direct, populist links between the leader and the public (pg 172-173). Hence, Prentice’s decision to receive Wildrose floor-crossers, as well as make hazardous public statements may have annulled the possibility of a populist link between Albertans and his leadership. Furthermore, it is important to note that while positive perceptions of Prentice were faltering amongst Albertan voters, the Progressive Conservative’s campaign strategy was to portray the party leader as front and centre. This was despite the growing disaffection of Albertan voters towards Prentice. Therefore, the strategy undertaken by the Progressive Conservatives’ jeopardized their party’s support, and contributed to the election’s drastic

The recent 2015 federal election saw a dramatic change in the Canadian political landscape. The Conservative party, the governing party of Canada for the past decade, was thoroughly defeated with the Liberals, who had, in relation to seats, been in third place, gaining a majority and subsequently forming government. The reasons for this defeat are examined in the editorial: Why the Conservatives lost, and how they can win again.

In recent elections, the separatist parties in Quebec have seen crushing defeats, raising questions about their relevance in modern day Canada. Support for Quebec separatism has diminished in the past several decades, with the rise of the NDP in the 2011 federal election and the more recent provincial Liberal victory in April of 2014. In the 2011 federal election, specifically, the Bloc Quebecois was reduced to only four seats in the House of Commons, while the NDP took the majority of Quebec’s seats. The provincial Parti Quebecois (PQ) has also been faltering, losing more often than not to the Liberal Party of Quebec (PLQ). Indeed, over the past decade, the PLQ has only lost one election, and has held majorities in many. The most recent election put them back into power after a short PQ minority government that began in 2012. These recent elections may point to a future in which the separatist movement in Quebec may be silenced. Since the late 1950s, the question of Quebec separatism has existed, with levels of support varying throughout the following decades, leading up the referendums of 1980 and 1995. The defeats suffered by the separatist parties in recent elections demonstrate that the separatist movement may be close to being over in Quebec.

It’s about time! Growing up as a female in today’s society is unforgiving. As women, we have learned to accept the norm of what a female body should look like. Female bodies have been scrutinized by men, and for once the men of our current generation are starting to feel the effects of what is feels like to be treated like a piece of meat. To be looked at by others constantly and having to “Deal with It”, is something I am not ok with.

I learned so much from our guest speaker, Andre Picard, the Globe and Mail's Public Health reporter. He made me rethink my whole perspective on patients right with his talk about assisted suicide and abortion. Contrary to popular belief, doctors are not bound by the Hippocratic Oath. However, they may choose to do so and follow it. Consequently, this means that they can refuse assisted suicide as it harms someone’s life. What really struck me was when he said that he believed that “a patients’ rights should triumph doctors’ oath to protect and save.” This was appalling to me at first, but after giving it more thought it made sense. I was able to piece together what he meant by that as the right to have a choice gives people autonomy and dignity