Britain’s Support for Widening but NOT Deepening the European Union

That such a momentous step was taken in Factortame is, on the face of it, grist to the mill of those who contend that sovereignty has been ceded to Brussels. Yet Wade’s analysis — and the dramatic consequences that it implies — is problematic. For one thing, it is incompatible with the way in which Lord Bridge — the only Law Lord in Factortame to consider this point in any detail at all — explained the judgment. He argued that any limitations upon its sovereignty implied by EU membership had been accepted ‘voluntarily’ by Parliament when it enacted the European Communities Act 1972. The implication was that Parliament is at liberty to permit EU law to prevail over its own enactments. The flip side of that coin must be that if Parliament

The outcome of the Brexit referendum in June last year came as a surprise to a lot of people, though surveys showed that the outcome would be close. It was predicted that ‘Remain' would win with a tight majority, yet, politicians underestimated the resentment British citizens had cultivated against the perceived domination of the European Union. Citizens voted to win back sovereignty, but as the recent negotiations show the United Kingdom has won anything but that. This essay analyses how the EU dominates Britain in the divorce negotiations by employing John Scott's theory of structures of domination. Access to the single market is the main incentive the EU offers Britain for accepting their conditions of the Brexit. This characterises the EU as the

Throughout the history of European integration, the major UK parties have debated on all different aspects of Europe and the impacts of membership on Britain itself. From both these debates and party policies, it is clear to see that whilst there is generally a consensus over Europe, some issues have been a cause of disagreement among the major parties. In this essay I will analyse the policies and actions of the major UK parties that concern the EU and be able to conclude to what extent they agree over Europe.

For the structure of this paper, I will start out by highlighting some key arguments put forward by Brexiters as they relate to Parliamentary sovereignty. Followed by a comprehensive look at Parliamentary and other types of sovereignty and what they imply, followed by a decision as to whether or not the UK will regain power by canceling its membership to the EU.

While the contributions of all member-states in the EU have been important and appreciated, the UK has brought a lot to the table that many other countries couldn’t. For example, the UK’s influence and the weight of just its name. For hundreds of years the UK has been powerful and if it had something to say, the world would listen. When the UK joined the EU it was a monumental victory for the existing member parties, because it meant that a powerful country, that could bring credibility and importance to a coalition previously lacking in both areas, would be joining their ranks.

This Essay will inspect the relationship between the EU and the UK including purposes behind the supremacy of the European Union (EU) laws and after that it will take a gander at the system of how does the UK offers impact to those laws and regardless of whether the UK parliamentary sovereignty represents an issue to this. The exposition will set up regardless of whether the EU law is without a doubt supreme and in the event that this is along these lines, on what premise is the EU law incomparable as there is no composed report, for example, treaties that expressly states EU law is incomparable however seemingly through standard international laws it might be questionable that the EU is supreme.

     In the event of an integrated Europe, constructivists recognize that to completely avoid conflict, each state will have to succumb to a “European identity” and all individual identities will have to become merely “cultural gems” within the European system. This, they argue, can be achieved with the success of several steps including economic, judicial, and security integration . The first step has already been attempted with the establishment of the Euro, the common European currency, which has been outperformed by its monetary competitors. A great amount of trust will have to be secured between states before a common court or army can be established, and most likely with as little success as the common currency. So, even by these simplified guidelines the outlook for the creation of a new “European

the United Kingdom unlike most other countries does not have a codified constitution to restrict the powers of the Parliament, the main check on power of the British Parliament is the sovereignty of the future parliaments. The European Union has been growing since its establishment and its growth has been considered a threat to the Parliamentary Sovereignty of the UK, since their joining of the EU in 1973. This essay will showcase the treaties, institutions, cases, and acts that have eroded the sovereignty of the UK Parliament and will conclude that the development of the EU will only further reduce the power of Parliamentary Sovereignty as long as the United Kingdom stays a member of the EU.

The EU has gone through different Treaties in order to achieve democratic legitimacy. This includes the Treaties of Amsterdam (1997), Nice (2001), the “unsuccessful” Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe (2004), and the Treaty of Lisbon (2007). The last two treaties, stirred open debates around Europe, with critics claiming that the treaties will channel a way for an unelected European super-state, while at the same time, defenders argued that it

The EU has gone through different Treaties in order to achieve democratic legitimacy. This includes the Treaties of Amsterdam (1997), Nice (2001), the “unsuccessful” Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe (2004), and the Treaty of Lisbon (2007). The last two treaties, stirred open debates around Europe, with critics claiming that the treaties will channel a way for an unelected European super-state, while at the same time, defenders argued that it

It might at first seem that Tony Blair gave unconditional support to European integration including political integration. Yet he was not content with the current pace of the European integration, which benefits the EU’s founding members rather than Britain. He stated in the same speech that the reason of the EU Constitution’s rejection in France and the Netherlands was the mismatch between the political and economic sides of European

From the internal perspective, Western European states found themselves in relations of mutual dependence after World War II. But this dependence was not in compliance with the centrifugal character of their sovereignty. The pressure of common needs and interests finally stimulated the recognition of Western European states, that the principle of the national sovereignty already exhausted its utility. States were forced to limit their sovereignty rights and move them to the supranational organisations

In the United Kingdom, it seems an ever-increasing proportion of the population are becoming eurosceptic. Euroscepticism in the UK is the distrust and scepticism of the relationship between the United Kingdom and the European Union and is considered a controversial and important concept in British Politics. This increase in Euroscepticism in the UK has contributed to an EU referendum on the 23rd June 2016, during which the United Kingdom will either decide to continue as a member state or to leave the European Union. Euroscepticism within the United Kingdom is an increasingly relevant topic. I am going to explore why Euroscepticism is on the rise in the United Kingdom and what those contributing factors are. Firstly, I will clarify the history of the relationship between the UK and the EU, and how Euroscepticism is not a new phenomenon. I will then explain what the contributing factors to rising Euroscepticism in the UK are in the following order; the importance of Britain’s sovereignty and independence, the Eurosceptic nature of the British media, increasing immigration issues and terrorism threats, and the rise of anti-European political parties.

In consequence, recent events, such as the economic crisis and the latest EU elections, have fostered heated debates about the legitimising basis of the EU, and whether the so-called democratic deficit indicates an upcoming EU downfall (Zielonka, 2014). In this case, the concept of integration within the EU becomes highly relevant, as is generates questions such as: ‘What binds the European citizens together?’ and ‘What constitutes the EU and what ought it to look like?’. Here, there seem to be fundamental disagreements based upon different theoretical as well as practical approaches to these questions. One crucial point, when approaching questions about EU integration (let it be cultural, geographical, political or social), is whether the analysis might be classified as being normative or descriptive in nature. The latter kind of analysis, where the classical intergovernmentalist (see Moravcik, 1998) and neofunctionalist traditions (see Wallace, 1990) have been opinion-forming for a long time, deals primarily with identification of the de facto characteristics of EU integration. Consequently, as these traditions are bounded by epistemological traditions, where the social and political sciences continuously pursue increased empirical ‘objectivity’, there is a lack of normative theorising – theorisations, which encourages the use of a subjectivist approach to empirical research. The

In the past, citizens held mostly absent minded opinions on European Union politics, but today there exists great polarization in attitudes about European integration. The apparent rise in “Euroskepticism” in the post-Maastricht Treaty political environment has been widely discussed and debated in EU scholarship, and marks a stark change from the elite dominated days bygone. EU issues have increasingly made their way into the politics of national governments, and subsequently national citizens have become more thoughtful in their critiques of European integration. In this paper, I will first discuss the three approaches to explain public opinion on EU integration. Second, I will explore the impact political parties and elections play in