China 's Peaceful Development Foreign Policy

China is both a threat and an opportunity for Australia. Trade and security concerns have both negatives and positives towards Australia’s relations with the Asian ‘superpower’. In recent years we have seen how the relations between Australia and China have changed, through their radically different traditions. This has led to the idea that China is a great resource for trade, it has also led to the idea that China is a large threat to Australia’s security. This essay will discuss the rapid growth of China in recent years compared to Australia’s growth, but also the increasing threat level China poses, and finally the bursts of opportunity China gives to Australia. Overall there is arguments for both sides, China is both a threat and an opportunity

‘The Gathering Storm’ written by John Mearsheimer provides a critical analysis on the state of China’s rising power compared to the U.S in the current context. The United States has been the most powerful state for a long time in history and has led the way in terms of military forces since World War two, according to the Australian Government. But the next sentence in Australia’s White Paper details changes in the distribution of power. This arises the argument of the rise of China playing havoc on the balance of global power. The article also explores whether the rise of China will be peacefully, the drive for regional hegemony and also the concurrent rise of Australia and China.

Throughout history, China has been the center of many developments allowing for it to establish itself as an advanced society, one that has lasted through a number of dynastic cycles, an attempt towards the creation of a Republic, and still existing, People’s Republic of China, under the rule of China’s Communist party. Throughout this turbulent history China has made much advancement in site of its setbacks and has allowed itself to grow immensely and increase its stature, making it one of the world’s great powers.

In time, China was hoped to find that social and political freedom is the only basis of that greatness. The United States has helped nurture this change by cooperating with China where possible, without allowing the differences that do exist, such as human rights, and nonproliferation commitments to interfere.

Realism is one of the most dominant international relations theories in the academic world. But within Realism, Realists are split on a number of issues. A perfect example of which being the rise of China. Over the past 30 years China has increased not only in population and power, but has also achieved one of the strongest economies in the world. The rise of China is seen as problematic by many realists. Since the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Soviet Union, the US has enjoyed a position of hegemony in the unipolar power structure of the world. Many fear that the rise of China could upset the current balance of power. One such individual is a prominent realist scholar, John Mearsheimer. He believes that war with China is inevitable and “calls for the US to do whatever it can to slow China’s rise.” Another political theorist Jonathan Kirshner wrote this paper to counter many of Mearsheimer’s claims, stating that Mearsheimer’s offensive realism “is wrong, and dangerous”. Kirshner suggests that instead of using offensive realism we should look instead to the theories roots in classical realism to analyse the rise of China.

The recent interactions of emerging and established states suggest that the existing standards of the current global economy are shifting. According to Stewart Patrick in his article “Irresponsible Stakeholders? The Difficulty of Integrating Rising Powers,” the United States must accommodate for emerging states within the global economy and refrain from enforcing their values of an open and liberal international economy in order to achieve effective cooperation. Similarly, Andrew Nathan and Andrew Scobell argue in their article “How China Sees America: The Sum of Beijingʻs Fears” that as China gains more influence within the global economy, the United States will have to respond appropriately to maintain its economic values. Both articles ultimately assert that

On the international level, China had unfortunately found itself relatively isolated. The United States considered the Maoist government a threat to stability in the Far East, and conflicts in aims had marred the country’s relations with the Soviet Union. So, rather than

It is no longer appropriate to say, “China is quickly emerging as a global superpower.” The fact is China is just that. Realizing this the United States of America has attempted to once again turn its focus eastward. Continuing problems at home and in the Middle East however have made doing so difficult. Additionally more and more frequently attempts at influencing the ongoing narrative in the Asia- Pacific region have been rebuffed. Even allies have found strength in the emergence of a system that fails to conform to previously prescribed methods and ideals. This leads to a fundamental question America must answer quickly. Has the growing hypocrisy of idealistic political rhetoric versus actual foreign policy finally undermined American credibility with developing nations, or for the purposes of this paper more specifically China? The answer is yes.

Ho-fung Hung’s work attempts to reconcile the widespread expectation that China’s rise would lead to a fundamental change in the global status quo with the observed fact that China has become increasingly connected to and one with the global status quo. To do this, he must first examine China’s rise and prove that it upholds the global status quo, and further must look into the origins of China’s rise, going back to the 13th century, to understand why this rise seemingly changed so little about the global world order.

Throughout most of history, East Asia and more specifically China has been the cradle of civilization. Only until a few hundred years ago did China and most of the developing world today regress into the states they have been for the past several hundred years. For the past 100 years the US has been the world’s most powerful country, economically, militarily, and culturally; however China is resurging and is now in a position that is equal and perhaps greater to the US’s power.

The article “China’s Challenge to US Hegemony,” by Christopher Layne was a wonderful article talking about the China challenges the U.S hegemony. In the beginning Layne said that against popular belief the period of American hegemony is drawing to an end and the rise of China is the biggest reason for this. Layne describes how throughout history the emergence of new power in the international system have been “geopolitically destabilizing” and China is no different therefore they are major doubts that they will rise peacefully. To illustrate this Layne used the example of the rise of Japan, United States, and Germany all contributed to the “international political frictions that culminated in two world wars.” Layne address the ideas of engagement

In the book “on China” the author examines the main episodes in China foreign policy with the United States from classical day to modern day. Kissinger argues that, the American policies toward China are one, setting in the motion about the normalizations of relations with the citizen of China. Two, new diplomatic and negotiations should start in order to extend further arms and control powers. Three, engagement policy. This will be a shifting focus of America administrators alternating between the realism and liberation. Four, Cautious engagement with China. This will ensure there will be no military expansion of China. Since cooperation with China would encourage China to become Benign. It will also become a helpful partner in terms of security and political issues. Last policy was adopting G-2 to solve foreign affairs issues.

David Shambaugh’s book, China Goes Global: The Partial Power, joins existing scholarship that comments on the implications of China’s rise as a global power. Though many scholars would argue that China has been on the rise for several decades and is due to overtake the United States in several more, Shambaugh argues that this may not be the case. To prove this argument, Shambaugh has researched six dimensions of China’s recent emergence in a comprehensive study. These dimensions include China’s perceptual, diplomatic, governmental, economic, cultural, and military power. Based on his summation of these factors, Shambaugh concludes that China is a global actor without much global power.

The People’s Republic of China (PRC) has become more integrated and willing to cooperate within the global political and economic systems than ever in its history. However, there is growing apprehension in the Asia-Pacific region and the U.S. in regards to the consequences of rising in economic and military power in China. Descriptions about Chinese diplomacy in the policy and scholarly are less positive lately concerning China’s obedience to regional and international rules. There was little debate in the U.S. and elsewhere in regards to whether China was or was not part “the international community.” Scholars and experts in the early 1990s have contended

“China is not a happy panda”. This article describes China’s petulance with the United States over its political and military support of Japan, the Phillipines, Taiwan and Hong Kong, and of the United State’s “criticism of China's dismal human rights record” (Eades). While it is of the utmost importance for the United States to foster good relationships with Japan and the others, China’s perception of being provoked by America can lead to catastrophic repercussions.