China’s Indo-Pacific neighbors, notably Japan, Vietnam, Philippines, Indonesia, India and Australia, seem nervous about China’s rapidly rising military threat strength and aggressive stance in foreign policy. Is China perceived as a military threat by these states? What measures have these states taken or are contemplating to deal with the Chinese threat?
China’s military rising has led to China’s power in the East Asia region and concerns about China’s power in the Indo- Pacific region. Many scholars believe that when a state becomes powerful, it will defiantly seek greater regional political influence and consequently worldwide political influence. This influence will result in the change of the power structure in the region and eventually lead to a long term security danger. According to the power structure scholars, the history of international relations supports this argument. In the period between two World Wars, Germany became a powerful state and turned out to be the threat to the security of the West Atlantic region and finally caused the World War II. In addition, before the World War II Japan was a rising power and caused the Pacific war in the 1930s and 1940s (Jiangye2002,57). However, opponents claim that China as a rising power has not followed the examples of Germany and Japan because the international system has been changed. Opponents also believe that in the traditional international system the national interests of a rising power were to conflict and
Under President Xi Jinping’s regime, foreign policy is both continuity and changes. The continuity is that China has still concerned on peaceful development by increasing connection with neighbors . But China’s foreign policy has some changes to be more proactive approach, strengthen relationship with ASEAN, achieve common development and build community of common destiny which China aims to achieve as a leadership role through Chinese initiatives such as AIIB and RCEP. Beyond investment, China want to be at least regional leadership. China encourage Chinese firms to go out and invite oversea Chinese in through its foreign policy. The policy toward ASEAN has become more aggressive and assertiveness which has China’s core national
A key element in the conflict between China and Japan is the large perception gaps on many issues. Each country has a different way of interpreting history and both view themselves as the victim and the other as the aggressor. This issue
This could be considered as changing posture of China’s military capability from cumbersome continental power towards more modern and dynamic naval power in responding future political and military dispute in the southern part of its territory (Ross 2009: 56). China’s military modernization that aims to built capability to project its power
The debate on whether the rise of China is displacing the United States (US) as hegemon is a contentious debate. While scholars on the one hand argue that this is the case, others refute this by arguing that despite the increase of Chinese influence in the South-Pacific, it is still far away from becoming a global superpower. Using the theoretical lenses of Hegemonic Stability, Balance of Power, and Realism, this paper will argue that the rise of China as global hegemon lacks theoretical support; while in fact China is growing militarily, economically, and politically, it will not replace the United States (US) as Global Hegemon.
To be able to successfully evaluate the role of the rise of China in the security of states, the international order must be looked at first. Due to the anarchical nature of the international order, survival is the supposedly the most important interest of any independent state, as it forces states to be fearful of each other as each state is concerned about their security and their abilities to compete with each other for power according to realism. It is this system that causes the
The growth of Chinese power over the past few decades has been nothing short of astounding. Moving from a gradually developing country in the latter half of the twentieth century, China now has established itself as undeniable paramount power in eastern Asia. With this, concerns have grown over security in the Asia given China’s growth in power. Will the rise of China bring with it mostly peaceful relations with its neighbors, or will its rise elicit increased competition within the region as China seeks to further cement its power?
Thee presence of anarchy in the international system; the lack of central authority in the international system must be acknowledged when analyzing state affairs. Realist theory argues that states act in response to anarchy and presume the international system to be one of self-help. States are self-interested actors that look to maximize power and ensure security. This security dilemma in current US-Sino relations about nuclear arms. In an attempt to compete with the US, China is “‘increasing its existing ability to deliver nuclear warheads to the United States and to overwhelm missile defense systems.’” China is exhibiting relative gains, as it measures its own nuclear arsenal relative to the one of the US. Because the US is seen as threat to China militarily, China’s response has been to develop their defense industry. By increasing their industry sector, China is attempting to balance power its power in the international system by countering the power
As China starts to become an growing superpower on the world stage, it now face itself in challenging situations in the global political stage. China’s economy and power grows in a rapid rate, the nation faces itself in serious political tensions that can affect its standing in the region and its standing in the world stage. The nation continues to expand its foreign influences around the world through its growing military and economic power, the world watches and waits for the Chinese government’s next big move.
These two theories will be applied in an attempt to assess whether Australia and Canada in particular alter their policies as a defensive response to China’s growing influence or if it is rather a result of a mix of history, ideas, norms, and beliefs that affect a their roles in international relations. It will be argued that with the growth of China as a foreign power, middle powers begin to feel threatened and thus alter their policies to reflect a more secure approach to international relations and thus reflects a defensive-realist perspective.
In offensive realism states are “power-maximisers”. Increases in power, relative to other states, will correspondingly increase the state’s security. States will pursue expansionist foreign policies, taking advantage of opportunities to weaken others. The most secure position for a state is hegemony, offensive realist scholars such as Mearsheimer and Lobell view the rise of China as progress towards regional hegemony. Realism defines power in terms of three categories: military power, economic power, and power over opinion (called ‘soft power’). In the last 35 years, China has developed its economic power
The Chinese government has shown tremendous dedications from 2013 in promoting the adoption of new energy vehicles in the country. In an attempt to reduce power consumption, the State Council imposed a new oil consumption standard for the automakers to diminish the average oil consumption by passenger cars from 7.42 liters to five liters per 100 kilometers by 2020. This will have no effect on full electric automakers, such as Tesla.
After the allies victory in the Second World War the United States and the Soviet Union emerged as the unchallenged authorities in world affairs. The Cold War resulted from there ideological difference and was until 1948 primarily based in Europe. When the Cold War suddenly expanded into Asia in 1949, it was a great surprise to everyone. At the end of World War II Asia had been left in a power vacuum Japans defeat had ended a dominate empire in northeast Asia. China’s nationalist
Historically, dominant powers have not readily given up their number-one position to rising challenger powers. Rising challengers have always demanded the fruits to which they believe their growing entitles them. Both powers conduct hegemonic wars and hegemonic political-military competitions to determine the number one power which will set the rules of the international system. Before World War I (WW I), the United Kingdom and Germany went to war despite their high economic interdependence. After the World War II (WW II), the Soviet Union and United State had low economic interdependence and high difference in ideology and they did not clash into war. United States and China have high economic interdependence as the United Kingdom
Literature about China’s rise in East Asia varies along International Relations (IR) Theory methodologies, Think Tank papers, Government research, and media coverage. This literature review covers a period between 2000 and 2009 that establishes a baseline interaction, or ‘before’ (George and Bennett 2005, 166) outcome, among and between the key actors under investigation in this study. Use later in this predictive study, content post-2009 serves to judge a change in interaction. Many well-informed accounts exist on China’s rise. Aside from IR methodologies, research tools use in the subsequent literature includes scenario, structured, focus comparison, and counterfactual methods. For China’s rise, in general, the published studies agreed the outlook for trade was high, the ‘hub and spoke’ alliance purpose questioned, and a prospect of war was low.
Critically analyse China’s “Peaceful Development” foreign policy in relation to China’s 2015 Defence White Paper