Comparing The Alinsky Tradition And Friedman Approaches, Marty Martinson And Celena Sue

Why was it such an effective strategy for bringing about change during the civil rights movement?

I am here by writing this essay to explain, how these organizations in the United States such as the MADD, LULAC, and NAACP can educate and help our fellow citizens of America change laws that might well need to be changed. As well as explaining the common interest these groups are concerned with.

Social movements are not spontaneous events, and they must build towards their goals over time on a series of phases and preconditions. Successful social movements rely on a number of micro and macro factors including efficient organizational structures, the ability to mobilize human and material resources, as well as effective leadership and rapid diffusion of ideas. As it will be shown, the presence of mobilizing structures, movement frames as well as suitable political opportunities combined with reactionary incentives during the Civil Rights Movement helped culminate both short and long term societal changes.

Anti-oppressive groupwork theory remains focused on ending socioeconomic oppression while valuing empowerment, diversity and accountability for the powerful (Adams, Dominelli & Payne 2002). Anti-oppressive practice involves reflecting on power, listening to the oppressed, and challenging oppression while connecting and collaborating with the people experiencing oppression (Rogers 2012). It includes identifying issues as well as joining with people to challenge and instigate change (Rogers 2012). Anti-oppressive principles will become the foundation for my practice to minimise power differences and become agents of change and promote social justice.

In a century where free black men can be lynched for just looking at a white woman in the wrong way without due process, immediate change was required. It also demonstrated an urgent need for an effective civil rights organization that can advocate for the whole greater benefit of African Americans. The NAACP was proven to be more effective than the Tuskegee institution, as history has proven that physical form of pressure and show of defiance creates a greater pressure on politicians. Because of its effectiveness, many famous historical civil rights activists have taken the approach of physical defiance, from Gandhi to Martin Luther King Jr. Why did they not take the approach advocated by Booker T. Washington? As such, the NAACP is the premier advocate of equal rights for African Americans and increased the scope of the “public sphere”, where a voluntary association, such as the NAACP, act as the agent that gathers people together to discuss and advocate for great social changes. The government do not always have the citizen’s benefit in mind, so this is where democracy’s effectiveness shines through, where individuals can come together to freely discuss and identify societal problems, and through that discussion influence political action, and NAACP is the catalyst. Perhaps this is the reason why NAACP could survive, while other similar organizations faded away as it become irrelevant or

In societies of past, the oppressor and oppressed are in constant opposition to each other. This fight can be obvious or sublime. However, every time the conflict ends in either a revolutionary reconstruction of society or common ruin.

Both Jane Addams and Saul Alinsky, worked to enact social change within the poor neighborhoods of Chicago. Both would also go on to inspire many other social changes due to their methodologies and accomplishments. However, Addams’ and Alinsky’s approaches to bring about social change are often described as being polar opposites. One could argue though, that despite these superficial differences, Addams and Alinsky shared a commonality that is not often talked about.

“Washing one 's hands of the conflict between the powerful and the powerless means to side with the powerful, not to be neutral”(Paulo Freir). Throughout the book Writings for a Liberation Psychology by Martín-Baró mentions a variety of psychology warfare used primary amongst the lower class population in order to have control over them. To what extend can the book Writings for a Liberation Psychology by Martín-Baró, be used to establish community organizing or even creating a community in order to hold unity against the variety psychological warfare being used by the oppressors.

[t]he job of the organizer is to maneuver and bait the establishment so that it will publicly attack him as a 'dangerous enemy.' [According to Alinsky], the hysterical instant reaction of the establishment [will] not only validate [the organizer's] credentials of competency but also ensure automatic popular

The central issue in this case is the impact that informal groups can have on public administration. On September 11, 2001, when the World Trade Center was attacked by terrorists, over 3000 people lost their lives. There was, and still is, no doubt that this event reached throughout America and touched each one of us. We can all remember where we were and what we were doing the very moment we found out about it. This case expressed the issues that many people had concerning what to do in the aftermath of this disaster, especially New York firefighters. They lost 343 of their colleagues and were determined not to leave any of them behind. It reminded me of the

Karen Horney and Alfred Adler are two very similar yet different neo-analytic theorists. At first glance, it may appear that Horney stole some of Adler's best ideas. It is, of course, quite conceivable that she was influenced by Adler. It is clear, for example, that Horney’s three neurotic solutions are very close to Adler's personality typology. Horney proposed a series of strategies used by neurotics to cope with other people and Adler developed a scheme of so called personality types that he intended to illustrate patterns that could denote a characteristic governed under the overall style of life.

a. Milton Friedman’s philosophy of corporate responsibility is that “social matters are not the concern of business people and that these problems should be resolved by the unfettered workings of the free market system”. As harsh as it may sound, what he mean course to say was that a business has “to make as much money as possible while conforming to basic rules of society”. Meanwhile, Archie Carroll’s philosophy states that a business has “four kinds of social responsibilities” that a firm must address in their corporate social responsibility, which are economic, legal, ethical and philanthropic duties. Clearly they have two very different views. Friedman sees that a business’s ultimate goal is to generate profits, then comes the legal and ethical responsibilities it must fulfill. To Friedman, there is no need to be philanthropic because the firm’s job is only to make money for the economy, and it is the economy’s obligation to be philanthropic with the profits. Carroll agrees with Friedman that a company must be profitable, then be legal by obeying the law, and be ethical to avoid harm. However, Carroll believes it is also desired and in the best interests of the company to be philanthropic because it will “create a good corporate citizen”. Friedman has an economic view whereas Carroll has a social view. In my opinion, Archie Carroll’s philosophy on corporate social responsibility is more accurate. The social pyramid model he made to go with his views makes

“There are no rules for revolution any more than there are rules for love or rules for happiness, but there are rules for radicals who want to change their world”………… Saul D. Alinsky, 1971.

Alinsky’s purpose for the Rules for Radicals was to make a guide for prospective community electives to use in bringing low-income communities, the "Have and Not’s", by bring the low-income communities closer to social, political, legal and economic gain in order to give equality and justify the present establishment that promoted one’s inequality. Within it, Alinsky meth’s, that he had learned throughout life experiences from community organization. Alinsky lessons,” is the oldest and largest community organizing network in the United States” (Harris, Maloney, & Rother.2004. p269).

One major link includes the fight between an oppressed group and their persecutors. Whether it’s the proletariat and the bourgeois in “The Communist Manifesto,” or the inequality of genders in “The Second Sex,” or the flight of the African Americans in the “Letter from Birmingham Jail”. In all of these texts we are shown how easy it is for one group to abuse their power and create unfair rules and regulations only imposed on the more inferior members of society. Each group of oppressor thrives off of alienating, and subjugating their inferiors.