Cote d'Ivoire Crisis

During the late 19th to early 20th century, King Leopold II impacted the African Continent and the larger International community more than any other European monarch. Firstly, King Leopold II sinisterly orchestrated a colonization operation that is comparative to a genocidal regime. Secondly, King Leopold II’s actions in the Congo led unified condemnation across oceans from a broad range of socioeconomic statues. Lastly, the opposition forces against King Leopold II’s colonization of Congo helped pave the way for future justice on the continent as well as internationally. Ultimately, this Europe created the competitive environment that promoted King Leopold II’s quest for colonization.

Over a period from 1960-1965, the first Republic of the Congo experienced a period of serious crisis. There was a terrible war for power that displayed senseless violence and the desperation to rule. There were many internal conflicts among the people. The country eventually gained independence from Belgium. For many countries this would be a time for celebration. Unfortunately for the people of the Congo this became a time to forget. Almost immediately after independence and the general elections, the country went into civil war. Major developed cities like Katanga and Kasai wanted to be independent from the Lumumba government. Different factions started to fight the government and Katanga and Kasai tried to secede from the rest

In July of 1956, Lumumba was sentenced to two years imprisonment for embezzling $2,520 from the post office for the Association des Evolués. After the Association returned the money, Lumumba’s sentence was reduced to 12 months, which began his career as a prisoner, leaving and re-entering the prison system for the next five years. During his 1956-1957 imprisonment, Lumumba wrote Congo, My Congo, 200 pages to “make a contribution towards the search for a solution for the present and future problems of the Congo” (Lumumba 7). Because this book was not published until after Lumumba’s death, it did not have an impact on the independence movement, but the views Lumumba wrote about certainly did.

During King Leopold’s time he was scrambling for a way to create wealth, but could not dabble in the trade of Africans because of new abolition laws, then he got lucky. In the Berlin Conference held by Otto Von Bismarck, Africa was divided like a cake; pieces were given to European countries. While they had decided that they were “respecting” human rights, it was also believed that Africans needed to be governed. Through this Leopold gained the territory of the Congo, marking the beginning of colonialism, an era of unequal wealth and poverty.

In Life & Debt, we see that as a Jamaica starts to gain ground against the IMF, it is pushed back such as the use of Free Trade Zones to provide employment while workers are paid less. In a similar context, the late Thomas Sankara was betrayed by his companion, Blaise Compaoré, president of Burkina Faso from 1987 to 2014, who was supported by the French government as they attempted to counter Sankara’s visionary attempts on creating a better Bukina Faso. Such political influence on the country leadership is a linchpin in every government as their attempts to recover are always thwarted by foreign

“We have been independent ever since August 1, 1960!”, could most of the Chad populace have claimed. After all, the Zoe Arch affair had reopened old wounds. You could once again hear terms like “neo-colonialism” or “French Africa”, not only in some Chad media commentaries, but also in everyday conversations. Ordinary people cared little about the details behind the case. All that remained in the public eye is that a group of White people, French citizens even, had tried to illegally fly off 103 African children.

This is a tale of horror and tragedy in the Congo, beginning with the brutal and exploitative regime of King Leopold II of Belgium, and culminating with the downfall of one of Africa’s most influential figures, Patrice Lumumba. The Congo is but one example of the greater phenomenon of European occupation of Africa. The legacy of this period gives rise to persistent problems in the Congo and throughout Africa. Understanding the roots and causes of this event, as focused through the lense of the Congo, is the subject of this paper.

When he became President in April 1999, Bouteflika was in front of three enormous challenges. The first one was the result of a decade of domestic violence and insecurity. The second was the consequence of a catastrophic socio-economic situation attributed to the legacy of decades of statist economics (Bouandel 25-26). The third was the harmful product of the isolation of Algeria from the rest of the world, or what Hugh Roberts called “the virtual quarantine in which Algeria had been confined since 1994” (“Demilitarising ...” 1). In the course of his tenure, he brought about national reconciliation, recovered and reformed the stalled Algerian economy and restored what he described as “Algeria’s regional and international status”.1 Under his leadership, Algiers has become “a much sought after interlocutor in major world capitals” (Ghilès).

The history of humanitarian intervention was born in 1967 in West Africa. The Nigerian province of Biafra was going through a civil war. The separatist biafran rebels were fighting against the Nigerian federal army. The biafran rebels were fighting for a separate state while the other was fighting to keep Nigeria as one. The violence lead to deaths of civilians and this inspired the doctors from aid organizations to come and check on the people of Biafra. The army blocked the roads in the province, and this lead to shortages of food and now the new killer was famine. The famine changed everything as it attracted the world and the international community towards the biafran cause. Images of malnourished kids and starving women captured the world and

The conflict that Central African Republic had on its children is that they lost their innocence and that they were forced into many actions or decisions they did not want to become apart of. The children of the Central African Republic for an example in the article it says that many children were forced to become soldiers, wives at very young ages. A child named Jordy has said that the Central African Republic has turned neighbors against each other and it has brought childhood to a halt as children have seen their own parents killed in front of them and have been forced to make decisions far beyond their years. The article Soldiers and Slaves the Newsela said

This essay will cover several topics on the culture and way of life of Cote d’Ivoire. Areas covered are the terrain (urban/sub), infrastructure, lines of communication and past military conflicts and their impact on their way of life. Other topics covered will be the population, capabilities, languages, power and authorities, as well as the interests. Especially the interests an “outsider/visitor” may have in Cote d’Ivoire. Cultures are like people, in a way, because they are all different. This can be due to where they are or where they grew up. Another big influence is history. Different countries can be appealing and seem like a good place due to its face value or initial glimpse. In turn, this opinion is often times changed after more

Building a nation… Slavery, Independence, Constitution, Military coups to Presidential elections! Senior Enlisted leaders, it is important to know that the freedoms we all prefer comes with a cost of sacrifice, bloodshed, and for some, nation before self for democracy. This essay will discuss the background, government, strategic importance, and future direction of Sierra Leone.

4 Analyze the effects of the cold war on apartheid in South Africa or on another specified issue and region or country.

Others still focus on cultural assistance (Andereggen 1994; Kanu 2007), as culture represents an essential and integral part of any country’s diplomacy. For example, Andereggen (1994) stresses the cultural side of this relationship through the promotion of instruments such as the Alliances Françaises and the Centres Culturels Français, which ceased to exist after 2011 and were replaced by the Instituts Français. Some authors highlight more coercive tools such as political conditionality (Crawford 1997; Cumming 2001). Cumming also details civil society building aid programmes and is less acerbic and explores France’s attempts to bolster the efforts of French and Cameroonian civil society actors. Ultimately, he however recognises that the French state has not been willing to jeopardise its own interests in the stability of the

The constant drumbeat of headlines about Darfur, Zimbabwe, Sudan, Somalia, Liberia as well as the other states in Africa that are beleaguered by political instability have made the causes of failed states and intra-state political conflicts a major issue, both academic and practical. The International Day of Peace which was established by a United Nation resolution in 1982, and is marked every year on September 21, is a global event whose activities are significant in highlighting the worldwide efforts towards conflict resolution and peace building. This day is however more relevant to the continent of Africa where most conflicts have taken place, with