Differences And Political Diversity In The United States

The idea of political culture is found within the state’s history. The history of the state is impacted by the people settled in the region, religious backgrounds, and geography. The history of the state influences the attitudes and beliefs that people hold regarding their political system. Daniel Elazar theorized a connection between the states’ history and attitude towards government by explaining differences in government between states. Every state is different with some common ground. Elazar’s theory divides states into three types: moralistic, traditionalistic and individualistic. The state’s constitution defines the powers of government with political culture bias. Because of the state constitution, the political culture

It is 2014 and since the beginning of the millennium there has been a major shift in America’s political ideology and demographics, more so than in any set period of time. America which has historically been very conservative, has started to become more liberally made evident by the results of the last two elections. Although America’s government is based on a less centralized system and free market, Americans have seemed to start embracing things like big government and a stricter market. Americans are also starting to think different on social issues such as homosexuality and drug usage. America has also experienced a change in its demographics as minorities like Asians and Hispanics continue to grow while whites are, percentage wise, starting to make up a smaller part of Americas population. Along with a shift in ideology and change in demographics, technology and communication has advanced greatly making the world a much more connected place. Because of this connectivity people are also beginning to be influenced by foreign ideas that are not familiar to most Americans such as universal healthcare. Overall, because of factors such as foreign influences due to technology and changing demographics, America has become less conservative and more liberal.

Outside of the political spectrum, there is another group of organizations that have perhaps and even stronger grasp on the media than media regulators themselves. The incredibly complex and well organized drug cartels that base themselves mostly in northern Mexico and along the coastline of the Gulf of Mexico are in many ways the most influential organizations in the nation’s media. As mentioned earlier, Mexican citizens were granted freedom of the press in the 1857 Federal Constitution giving them expressional rights that closely resembled the United States’ on paper. However, as the cartels ran rampant throughout the country some indirect restrictions were put on these rights. The cartels employ ruthless violence and torture in order to punish those who oppose them, including journalists and reporters who attempt to portray them in a negative light. Over the past decade “there have been ‘172 attacks on press freedom, including nine journalists and two media workers killed’” (Hernandez-Garcia 2012). As a result, anyone reporting on the drug wars is essentially risking his or her own life; a risk the majority of reporters are not willing to take. The fear of being found and captured by the cartel is enough to cause a chilling effect among reporters and even stop some news outlets from reporting on the cartel’s actions at all. That’s not to say that news of the cartels’ actions doesn’t get released to the public. Lepe summarized the media portrayals of the cartel as such:

With 2017 quickly coming to an end, the congressional and governor races are heating up. One race that is flying under the radar is the New Jersey 5th congressional district election. Democratic incumbent Josh Gottheimer is bracing up for what should be a hotly contested seat. As a New Jersey native, I have a keen sense of the type of people that Gottheimer needs to reach out to. The New Jersey 7th district, where I am from, is not much different than that of the 5th. Both are wealthy areas that tend to vote Republican. The Democratic Party has had a setback, especially with the 2016 presidential election, but Gottheimer is one bright spot that they cannot afford to lose. In order to retain his seat, which I believe he will, Josh

Although Burr was never able to reach 50% in the polls, he exceeded that threshold on Election Day and defeated Ross by almost 6%. In order to analyze the political climate further, I will be comparing the exit polls for both Trump vs. Clinton and Burr vs Ross. This will help explain why Ross was entering the Senate race with a disadvantage despite media pundits arguing that higher turnout in presidential election years should benefit Ross. Although Five Thirty Eight gave Clinton the slight edge to defeat Trump in North Carolina, Trump’s was able to carry the state with a modest performance. Although Real Clear Politics had Burr winning by an average of 2%, that was certainly below the 5.7% final result. In a three way race between Trump, Clinton, and Johnson, Trump was predicted to win North Carolina by about 1%. The actual results, however, showed Trump winning by about 4%. Although this paper is focusing on the Senate race, it’s certainly important to note the impact that a presidential candidate can have on the electoral map, particularly

Which makes sense considering he had already dipped his toes in this district in the previous election only to lose to Rosen. There is another republican candidate who has rumored to have show interest in the house seat is Cresent Hardy. A Las Vegas city councilman Stavros Anthony has also been spreading interest in either the third or fourth congressional districts. Currently there are no democrats that have said they would run or have there been any rumors that have come out.

The challenger is the race was Republican Josh Mandel. Mandel was and is once again the serving Treasurer for the state of Ohio. In March, 2012, he won the GOP primary race against five other challengers for the right to contest the Senate seat against Brown. Mandel was the best-known of the six challengers, and had strong backing as a "Tea Party" candidate (Guillen, 2012).

Sean Shamany, a Republican from Hazleton, isn’t buying it: He says that if frontrunner Donald Trump is the party’s standard-bearer it would lift, not sink, Toomey.

When the words “swing state” are mentioned, Florida is perhaps one of the first states a person may think of. In this year’s election cycle, the story is no different. Florida has a single senate seat up for election, and Marco Rubio (R), and Patrick Murphy (D) are hoping to claim it on November 8th. Marco Rubio has held that seat since the last senate election in 2010, giving him an edge as the incumbent. Patrick Murphy is the challenger and has been a member of the House of Representatives since 2012. A glance at any polling numbers shows Rubio ahead, and most have shown him ahead since the beginning of the race. The polls do not show a commanding lead, as one may expect from an incumbent. While polling margins are slimmer than many average incumbents, money has not stopped flowing to Rubio. His finances are typical of an incumbent particularly that of a closely contested race. It may be impossible to tell which has the greater effect of Rubio’s fundraising. In states that are typically swing states and have close political races, simple analyses such as incumbency advantage may not fully explain the results and polls in the race.

Looking at the demographics of his constituency, it noticeable it contains the concentration of components of the Democratic Party. There is a large university presence in the Pittsburgh area and the majority of his constituency is 18-44 years old (U.S. Census Bureau, 2017) and according to (cite) education and youth usually equals democrat. According to (cite) the older generation is usually more conservative. It is studied that people vote based on political party because of political socialization and much of this area has been politically socialized for the democrat party as seen by previous elections in the Pittsburgh area where (cite and add fec previous elections or almanac.) 99% of his population lives in urban areas, and according to (cite) people in urban areas are typically more liberal,

Fleischman reminds readers of solid wins in Orange County, notwithstanding the registration issues: This drop in GOP registration has not yet translated to losses in partisan offices in Orange County, nor has it impacted the all-Republican Board of Supervisors. But if these trends continue, it is only a matter of time before more Democrats start to win election to office in this famously Republican

So, while the group has been successful in providing a candidate for president in 2012 success in the federal government has been limited, but success across the state and local government is beginning to spread into all states. A few of the candidates in support of this in both the state and

Senator Cruz has done very poorly and after his New York performance, which was a total disaster, he is in free fall and as everyone has seen, he does not react well under pressure. Also, approximately 80% of the Republican Party is against him. Governor Kasich, who has only won 1 state out of 41, in other words, he is 1 for 41 and he is not even doing as well as other candidates who could have stubbornly stayed in the race like him but chose not to do so. Marco Rubio, as an example, has more delegates than Kasich and yet suspended his campaign one

The chart above compares the over all socio-economic data for all three counties in addition to the entire state of Ohio and the US according to recent census data. The comparison by county shows diversity among the counties and a correlation of an increase in the number of employees, median household, and median property value. Lucas and Summit County are similar in all areas with the difference of the adaptation to the different industry when the steel/auto industry crashed in the 1970s. Summit County’s residence and ability to increase even at the smallest fraction shows how the service industry and healthcare have been able to provide a living to many of the dislocated employees in the region.

In several key states, namely Pennsylvania, Ohio and Wisconsin, Democratic Senate candidates and the party’s presidential nominee, Hillary Clinton, failed to connect with middle-class voters, who gravitated instead to the populist appeals of Mr. Trump.