Disadvantages Of Saarc

India and the United States of America are two of the world’s largest and prominent democracies. In the past few decades, they have conquered a significant progress in development and globalization. The geographical setting of the two countries is no more a barrier and the credit goes to the perpetually evolving technology which has abridged the factor of distance greatly,

Having a Civil Rights Director on board will be beneficial for everyone and it will supplement the SAPR program in marked ways. However, the Civil Rights Director is a position primarily geared toward faculty and staff whereas the SAPR program is primarily geared towards the student body.

It was meant to bring all the nations together when needed to work together on specific projects and problems.[6]

The use of cell phones was the topic of Saba's investigative journalism piece. She utilized the mentor texts provided in class as a model for her writing and included on-line research and her own survey results to support her topic. The article included both pros and cons to student cell phone use. The use of description and narrative voice were evident. Saba wrote: If a student becomes bored with class material and has access to their phone it is easier for them to lose focus. It doesn't take much for them to play a game, or check their Instagram or Snapchat. An area for improved focus is on the writing of a conclusion. One that will reinforce the purpose of the piece or leave the reader with something further to think about.

Consequently, the idea of national interest has changed along with the techniques for accomplishing national interest. In place of national interest, convenience must be made for the global interest. What's more, the new States are confronted with the issues of modernization, political strength, financial advancement, managerial productivity and regional integrity. The smaller countries have subsequently to determine their national interest remembering those issues at

In the article, author John J. Mearsheimer highlights that a state’s main objective in their actions were meant to survive and take any measure to ensure their safety. The state will focus on surviving and will plan around that objective. However, the safest possible position is to be the hegemon of their region. States aim to achieve this whilst still maintaining a secured surviving status. A state that has potential and holds a respected status may be safe now but is still exposed to downfall corresponds to the idea that states will search for opportunities to gain power over rivals. The author supports the notion of creating alliances and absolute power. In reality, states are not seeking equilibrium, rather they seek hegemony. With a regional hegemony

Pursuing a middle-power option on conflicts like the South China Sea and Syria would mean allowing friendly countries to take the lead in diplomatic work, because they are less threatening to other great powers. While this may entail some compromises, it is more likely to generate solutions that a regional power will heed . This rising diplomatic dependency on middle powers is precisely what will enables these countries to emerge as

Besides having common land boundaries with almost all the South Asian States, India is tremendously large in size and fairly resourceful in different ways as such. She is involved in disputes with all the smaller States, whether minor or of serious nature. It must be recorded that except for a few differences of historical nature, most of these are primarily based on India’s hegemonic instinct and partly because of her aggressive foreign policy. In the given situation, how is it possible for the smaller states of the region to play their role in contributing to the progress of SAARC? Obviously, it would not be realistic to expect an effective role from the small States. One may find that the imposition of political will and economic pressure is the main tool in Indian hands to hinder smooth running of SAARC. Be it Kashmiris’ struggle for self-determination, Sikhs’ struggle for liberation; Tamils’ fight for safeguarding their rights;

Waltz suggests that though it is important that states arm themselves and be ready for possible hostile actions, most states will attempt to work within the post WWII status quo that exists because their ultimate goal is survival and they have better odds of surviving by thinking strategically and cooperating with other states at times while still having the ability to defend themselves when needed . In this scenario the military capabilities serve not as a tool that states would use in an offensive capability, rather as a deterrent from potential threats. A particular example of this is the relation between Pakistan and India. Pakistan has a population which is around 15% that of India and an economy which is slightly larger than a tenth of the Indian economy . Given the history of conflicts and disputes between the two nations it is no surprise that relationships are often tense and prone to deterioration. India’s rapid economic growth coupled with a large military expenditure and nuclear capability have been great concerns to Pakistani policymakers and it is evident that Pakistan would not be able to ensure its defense against India using conventional means. The lack of security was a great cause of concern for the Pakistani government and the newly acquired nuclear weapons by India further tipped the scale in India’s favour. This left Pakistan feeling

In order to fulfill this task is considered necessary for Europe to drag out mechanisms of socialization that could push member states to coordinate their policies and to comply with EU decisions in the long run. The EU cannot

To understand some of the reasons of why the FTAA has not come to be, it is important to look at a bit of history between both the NA and SA and why states positions and views about the FTAA are different. In Chile in 1970 when one of the candidates to presidency Salvador Allende from the socialist party won the election. This was apparently not acceptable for the US so, it intervened for change. It is a known fact that the US helped take out Allende. The US influence helped bring Augusto Pinochet to power through a coup. Pinochet during his rule is responsible for massive human right violations against the Chilean people. The US response was to look the other way. The US instead continued intervening in SA like Argentina, Uruguay, and Panama just to name a few, thinking they were doing what was right but it had opposite consequences. This is important to keep in mind because based situations like this SA states believe that the US judges other governments depending on the openness to US investment and trade. So

Evelyn Goh’s paper on Hierarchical order in South East Asia aims to explain the surprising peace and mutual co-operation which grew out of South East Asia following the post-Cold-War period. Her main argument is that it is the South East Asian states themselves which created this peace and co-operation through two broad ‘pathways’: Omni-enmeshment on a regional and inter-state level and the creation of a ‘complex balance of influence.’ My main criticism with her argument is that the current order in South East Asia has yet to be challenged by a substantial security crisis, leaving us questioning just how robust these pathways are. I also reference to John Mearsheimer’s paper on the ‘false promise of international institutions’ to provide further criticisms. Regardless, I found her analysis on how smaller states can create the regional framework for peace compelling – it runs counter to the two major streams of IR thought (realism and liberalism) while explaining what they could not predict: peace in South East Asia.

In the European level, EU are also did a lot of work trying to leading member states participate on the process of adopt a common social policy but it is difficult as well. Since the Maastricht Treaty a concept of ‘soft law’ management measures are used to implementation of the EU activates. This has given to the control measures that are based on voluntarism, education and the sharing of best practices. (Rutkauskiene, 2009) In other world, member’s state is voluntary participation in an exchange of information or action. The European council collected all these soft measurement 2000 in Lisbon and give them a name of ‘Open Method of Coordination. (OMC)” (European Council Web) In the European council website explained OMC- set goals are monitored and supervised, best practices are shared and there is a scope to share. (European Council Web) But there are one important feature of the OMC is that goals and achievement are established at the EU level, while the measure and practice to achieving them are left for national governments. Many scholar are debate the disadvantage of

My second hypothesis is that international institutions or treaties of members of significantly asymmetric national capability will have a stronger dispute settlement mechanism. That is to say, In other words, an institution that contains asymmetry of power in terms of national capacity, military capacity, economic capability, and legal resources should have stronger DSMs. In this situation, powerful states might seek for stronger DSMs for gaining advantage within institutions. The underlying logic of this idea, based on Allee and Elsig is that “many DSMs allow for both diplomatic and legal dispute settlement, so powerful states can benefit from having a menu of dispute settlement options that allows them to forum-shop even within treaties.”(Allee 97) Also, for weaker countries, stronger DSMs can give weaker countries the equal chance to argue with more powerful countries under certain framework. Strong DSMs provide relatively weaker countries such as Mexico has more capability to confront with more powerful countries and boost their chance to win the confrontation. To prove this hypothesis, I will find asymmetric countries in size and compare the agreements of these asymmetric countries to some symmetric countries. The expected conclusion should be that agreement with more heterogeneous countries would have stronger DSM. There are many existing cases can prove this

Beeson, M. (2014). Regionalism and globalisation in East Asia: politics, security and economic development, 2nd edition. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan