Discuss The Similarities Between The 1930s And Contemporary American Neo Nazism

Cultural Marxist George Lipsitz in The Possessive Investment in Whiteness: How White People Profit from Identity Politics consolidates both the structural theory of institutional racism and the political cultural ideology and conception of racism history in the context of political changes in the Untied States. Lipsitz is not the first historian to analyze critical racism theory, but he is the first to extend the analysis into the late twentieth century.

Historically, the United State is not a color-blinded nation. Racial oppression, segregation, and discrimination have powerfully shaped American history from its beginnings. During the World War II, a complex moment in American history, racism powered by the war tremendously influenced the lives of minority groups, race relations, and institutional system. As one of the greatest black American writers, Chester Himes, in his novel “If He Hollers Let Him Go,” reveals how American society in wartime uses patriotism as an excuse to rationalize white racism and enforce power to oppress minorities through criminalizing them and depriving them of their labor opportunities and social opportunities in order to prevent them from moving upward. In this

In November 2016, Donald Trump was elected president of the United States. With a campaign centered around otherization and nationalism, the atmosphere of this election, as well as the attitudes of the citizens of the country, bears similarities to 1930s Nazi Germany. While it may initially seem far-fetched to compare Donald Trump 's election to Adolf Hitler 's rise to power, both campaigns utilize nationalistic, racist sentiment and a fear of the "foreign other" to gain power within the country. Moreover, both campaigns utilize propaganda and the media in their own way to generate hatred and fear to further their own goals. I will argue that these tactics used by Donald Trump has inspired numerous acts of hatred, and that any person who is not a white male has a reason to fear Trump 's presidency.

The idea of racism has evolved and has become less prevalent throughout the last century. Schools and public areas are unsegregated, voting rights, racial slurs being considered as unacceptable behavior etc. American sociologist and race theorist, Howard Winant states that’s “The ensuing approaches increased recognition of racial injustice and inequality, but did not overcome the discriminatory processes” (Winant,2000)Although the United states has come a long way to try to end racism, one cannot ignore the fact that it still exists. It is something that may seem invisible in society, but everybody knows that it still thrives and that it’s racial attitudes affect the way our society functions. One of these invisible forms of

Richard Spencer’s meta-political manifesto entitled, “The Charlottesville Statement”, elaborates on the alt-right movement’s stances on several topics including race, politics, and the family. Essentially the stances in his manifesto describe what it means to identify with the alt-right movement. Although there are many beliefs within this manifesto, I will focus specifically on critiquing and opposing Spencer’s argument on race, White America, and the relationship between race and human nature within his Charlottesville statement. I will use Boas’ essay, “What Is a Race” to help debunk Spencer’s argument regarding race, White America, and the relationship between race and human nature by demonstrating that his claims lack validity because they are based on socially constructed ideas and not scientific or anthropological evidence.

Children learn in social-studies class and in the news of the lynching of blacks, the denial of rights to women, the murder of gay men. It is difficult to know how to convince them that this amounts to "crown thy good with brotherhood," that amid all the failures is something spectacularly successful. Perhaps they understand it at this moment [in the aftermath of 9/11], when enormous tragedy, as it so often does, demands a time of reflection on enormous blessings.This is a nation founded on a conundrum, what Mario Cuomo has characterized as "community added to individualism." These two are our defining ideals; they are also in constant conflict. Historians today bemoan the ascendancy of a kind of prideful apartheid in America, saying that the clinging to ethnicity, in background and custom, has undermined the concept of unity. These historians must have forgotten the past, or have gilded it. The New York of my children is no more Balkanized, probably less so, than the Philadelphia of my father, in which Jewish boys would walk several blocks out of their way to avoid the Irish divide of Chester Avenue. (I was the product of a mixed marriage, across barely bridgeable lines: an Italian girl, an Irish

Published by the New York Times under the Opinion section, the audience for this article is any interested reader. At the time it was released, November 18th, 2016, this article arrived during last year’s elections, in which a large, but surprising number of Americans voted for candidate Donald Trump, shocking many forecasters who had predicted otherwise. Therefore, after the election, many people may have been researching the demographics of the election, and this article, which briefly shared Brooks’ opinion on the nature of the election and how viewing others through the lens of a dominant identity influenced how the votes fell where they did, may have caught a keen reader’s eye. Also, this article came at a time where racism and prejudice caused many problems, leading some to view others as one-dimensional, represented only by a skin color or religion. Since prejudice and hate is still a large issue today, tackling this problem helps make this article relevant, nearly a year after its release.

On Monday, August 14, 2017 a very controversial protest lead by white supremacists occurred Charlottesville, Virginia. The reason why this protest transpired was because the city of Charlottesville decided to remove the statue of the Confederate General, Robert E. Lee, from one of the city’s parks. The groups had met at Charlottesville to protest the decision to bring down the statue of Confederate General Robert E. Lee. Among the protests were activist Richard Spencer and former “Ku Klux Klan” (KKK) leader David Duke. They began to riot in the streets, people began to bash cars and hit people with bats, and fights broke out. One female got hit by a car and died when a car drove in the crowd.

On August 11-12, 2017, a rally of white supremacists gathered in Charlottesville, VA, to protest the removal of a Confederate statue. Over the course of 24 hours, the group and the counter-protesters exchanged chants, which turned into verbal violence, which turned into physical violence that only escalated, leading to one death and 19 injuries. This is not just an isolated, freak incident. According to the Southern Poverty Law Center, active hate groups in the United States, which had been in decline since 2010, have risen from 784 in 2014 to 917 in the monitoring group’s most recent report for 2016. It’s safe to assume this number is probably a lot higher now. This statistic includes not only neo-Nazi and white supremacist groups, but also things like anti-Muslim groups, which have seen an increase of a staggering 197% since 2015 (SPLC). These hate groups used to exist in the margins of society and keep to themselves, but now they’re becoming more visible in our society. They began to see their ideals more and more represented in the political mainstream, which encouraged them to come out, to go to these rallies and show their faces with no

Rather than merely examining the affects of racism on people of color, the book turns its attention to whiteness and how a system of white privilege, supported and perpetuated by whites, also damages whites by inhibiting them from making meaningful connections with other human beings. Until I almost reached the end of this book I was uncomfortable and disturbed by the way the book made me feel. As a white male, I am aware of the pain that my ancestors have created for others to advance the free world. I have pain for those who suffered and disagree with actions that were taken by my white predecessors. But I believed that we are now in a much more advanced world where we have chosen the first black president and equality was a focus of most Americans. Identifying with my culture as currently being a white supremacist society is something I have never considered, or would not want to consider. In Neuliep, within the Coudon and Yousef’s Value orientations, we perceive the human nature orientation within the United States with people being essentially rational. This term, rational, can be somewhat subjective. And if we continue with the same value system, and look from ‘the self’ values, we foster our self-identities from the influence of our culture’s values. If we are to reflect truthfully to how our country evolved and what we ‘had to do’ to create our freedom by limiting the freedom of other, how would we then perceive

This change in racism is why both authors stress the need to understand the very specific brand of American racism as it changes throughout time. Looking backwards and forwards in time proves to be an integral method of displaying the concerns of history as it pertains to the future.

According to Jenkins (2014) who we are or who we are seen to be depend on personal, collective, and historical forms of identity. Identity creates a moral system, the formation of likes/dislikes, and the “other” or the “spoken about” (Jenkins, 2014). Identity is produced in a symbolic relationship between people and denotes the ways in which individuals and the collective are distinguished (Jenkins, 2014). The media plays a large role in how identities can be shaped, and this paper will analyze the affects of the American media and how it in turn shaped not only Nazi Party but also how Hitler’s personal and political identity was shaped.

After being given power over the German’s Worker Party, Hitler aided in bolstering its ranks from a measly seven members, he was the seventh official member, to well over three-thousand likeminded people. (Marrs 20). In April of 1920, Hitler renamed the political group to the Nationalsozialistiche Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, or the National Socialist German Worker’s Party, which was shortened to Nazi. (Marrs 21). Nazi is a term synonymous with evil in our time, and what it stands for casts a long shadow over what is arguably the darkest times in modern history. Now seen as little more than one of the many modern white supremacist movements, the Neo-Nazis, one might find it little more than conspiracy theory to claim that the United States of America is a repackaged National Socialist Government, or a fourth Reich. Author Jim Marrs writes, “Under the banner of freedom and democracy, yet pursuing the agenda of the globalist who supported the Nazis, the United States slowly turned from one of the most admired nations in the world to one of the most despised.” (235-236).

Throughout American history, relationships between racial and ethnic groups have been marked by antagonism, inequality, and violence. In today’s complex and fast-paced society, historians, social theorists and anthropologists have been known to devote significant amounts of time examining and interrogating not only the interior climate of the institutions that shape human behavior and personalities, but also relations between race and culture. It is difficult to tolerate the notion; America has won its victory over racism. Even though many maintain America is a “color blind nation,” racism and racial conflict remain to be prevalent in the social fabric of American institutions. As a result, one may question if issues and challenges

Take a step into the tragic period between the 1940s and ’60s and imagine how prevalent racism was at the time. In a historic period during the Civil Rights movement and even later, how would we portray racism within America? Was it in its beginning stages? Or had it hit its highest point? It’s commonly known that racism was at its height around these intimidating moments. However, when compared to racism in America this last decade, have we really made any progress? Although much has changed about racism, from our laws to our rights, the educational system, along with the justice system, serve as clear examples in revealing the negative effects of racism and discrimination that continue to heavily influence our nation.