Dr. Clark 's Biko : Cry Freedom ( Bos Par

In the 1930’s it was rare for a black South African to attend college. But Mandela not only attended, he graduated, got a degree from law school, and set up a practice in Johannesburg which he hoped could support his small family. Yet apartheid was always a humiliation to him. When the Afrikaner, or Dutch South African, Nationalists came to power in the 1948 election, the segregation habits of the past three hundred years became law. Hoping for a brighter future, Mandela joined the African National Congress (ANC) and became its first Youth Leader.

Thesis Statement: Apartheid may have been a horrible era in South African history, but only so because the whites were forced to take action against the outrageous and threatening deeds of the blacks in order to sustain their power.

This essay will attempt to give a response of the Rhodes Must Fall writings. It is clear that the rising of movements like Rhodes Must Fall, has been a result of a wave of philosophies of Fanon and Biko “who share a highly similar pedigree in their interests in the philosophical psychology of consciousness” and desire for a decolonising of the mind” (). Their ideologies have the interest of young South Africans. The essay will be done by looking into how the movement wants the university to be decolonised, the statue of Rhodes, alienation the students are experiencing, curriculum change, the university’s lack of cultural space and representation of blacks, racism in the university and social/systematic exclusion of black students.

| Relevant Biographical Information About the Author: * White * Born in Pietermaritzburg, South Africa in 1903 * Father was Scottish and mother was South African of English heritage * Worked at a reformatory with black youths

In this essay we will be discussing Paul Stopforth’s ‘Interrogators’ and William Kentridge’s ‘Felix in Exile’ which are both responding to apartheid. In the midst of a resistance and revolution in South Africa, not only did many heroic, iconic figures get killed during protest, but many innocent people (Klotz, 1995). Both Stopforth and Kentridge seek to expose this violence in their art and are at the same time challenged to respond to their own emotional sensitivity caused by trauma and shock they experienced.

In all his works and contributions, “Biko was not only seen as a South African liberation struggle hero, but also became a universal symbol of resistance against oppression” (SouthAfrica.info). The effects of his approach to the liberation struggle resulted in a wave of student protests against the seemingly racist and oppressive education system of that time. Inspired and influenced by the ideas of W.E.B Du Bois, Marcus Garvey, and thinkers such as Frantz Fannon, Leopold Senghor, the American Black Panther Party and others, Black consciousness became an increasingly growing phenomenon amongst the black South African community, especially with black students. It grew to become recognised as one of the recognised

Another incident that rose eyebrows was the death of Stephen Biko, the leader of the South African Student Organization. “In the black freedom struggles in the Republic of South Africa in the 1960s and 1970s, launching of protests by black students also marked a turning point and the onset of a new phase of the larger anti-apartheid movement” (Franklin, 2003). His death became world news. Accused of placing him to rest were the Port Elizabeth security police. They brutally beat Biko and chained him to a gate as if he was in a crucifixion and did not seek medical care for him until the next day.

The Atlantic article by Kenichi Serino, entitled “How Apartheid Haunts a New Generation of South Africans”, discusses the lasting effect of the segregation system in South Africa, specifically focusing on young adults and the way in which they face limits due to lasting racial sentiments in areas such as education, as well as job opportunity. Serino succeeds in provoking an emotional response in the audience through the avenue of powerful and strategically placed quotes, incorporated with the grim reality of the situation. Additionally, the author of the piece sets out to familiarize the audience with the concept of apartheid through his informative style and also, inform the reader of the long term injustice suffered by Africans in the country long after the initial period of official discrimination.

The Bantu Affairs Department played a far more direct role and was remembered for its authoritarian control over the daily lives of the African people[6]. Now that the differences between Apartheid and the segregation of Africa have been shown, we must not forget the similarities between the two. The laws gave the white South Africans privileges were not knew to the country, laws passed in the early twentieth century also allowed colour discrimination, and the Land Act of 1913 denied Africans the right to choose where they wanted to live. This marked the permanent segregation of South Africa into areas designated for white or black ownership. Martin Prozesky comments: ‘The unmentioned purpose of the 1913

Central to Fanon’s philosophy concerning the process of Decolonization rests the mutual understanding among both groups that their positions are the result of specific historic processes. Yet, under the oppression of the colonizers, the colonized fail to empower themselves because the colonist, “continues to fabricate the colonized subject.” (Fanon 826). This fabrication manifests in the colonizer’s use of institutional mechanisms such as education, incarceration and economic opportunity to promulgate a collective identity in which the identity of the colonized remains that of a people born less-than their oppressors. Adopting this false identity, the colonized community becomes, “a sector of niggers, a sector of towelheads,” whose, “dreams of possession,” (Fanon 827) remain dreams until those colonized peoples are able to empower themselves and overthrow the colonizer’s systems of control. Like Marx, Fanon seeks to deliberate the exact modes and methods by which the colonial system retains power over the colonized peoples, their lands, and the resources which abound throughout them. Unlike Marx, Fanon credits the direct subjectgation of countless peoples from countless nations, tribes and languages to “what race one belongs to.” (Fanon 827) The presupposition that the colonizer forever remains, “first and foremost the outsider” (Fanon 827) further supports the philosopher's absolute means of societal upheaval in that Marxist economic theories of oppression pertaining to the bankers, customs house, and elsewhere fails to account for the sociological justifications which the colonial system propagates

The problem of Apartheid in South Africa is only amplified by the blatant rejection of the truth and softening of the facts which leads to an inability to resolve the problem at hand. In Chapter 26 of Cry, The Beloved Country (1948) we are greeted by the scene of John Kumalo addressing a crowd about the abuse of black labour in white run South African gold mines. His ahh inspiring voice raises the crowd to the teetering point of revolt and then calms them down. He is afraid of his own power and the thought of having his power stripped form him. All the police are worried about a strike that has been looming but now inevitable because of Kumalo’s speech.

Nelson Mandela and Steve Biko, were one of the braves’ black African men who fight against their citizen rights, and against the Apartheid, which was taking place in South Africa between 1948-1978, this term means to segregate South African citizen based on their race, and that lead south Africa to end up with unstably and unequal society where every one feel foreign and unequal to other.

Wretched of the Earth by Frantz Fanon explores the roles of violence, class, and political organization in the process of decolonization. Within a Marxist framework, Fanon theorizes and prophesizes the successes and failures of independence movements within colonized nations. He exalts the proletariat as a revolutionary class that is first to realize the necessity of violence in the removal of colonial regimes. Yet the accomplishment and disappointments of the proletariat are at the hand of men. Fanon neglects women in terms of the proletariat’s wishes and efforts. In spite of this exclusion, Fanon nonetheless develops a theory that could apply to the proletariat as a whole, women included. For although Fanon failed to acknowledge women’s

I have always thought that Nelson Mandela has been one of the most important people in history. I find it very fascinating that one man could end the Apartheid and that is why I want to find out more about this. South Africa is a country with a past of enforced racism and separation of its multi-racial community. The White Europeans invaded South Africa and started a political system known as 'Apartheid' (meaning 'apartness'). This system severely restricted the rights and lifestyle of the non-White inhabitants of the country forcing them to live separately from the White Europeans. I have chosen to investigate how the Apartheid affected people’s lives, and also how and why the Apartheid system rose and fell in South Africa.

This essay will attempt to give a response of the Rhodes Must Fall writings. It is clear that the rising of movements like Rhodes Must Fall, has been a result of a wave of philosophies of Fanon and Biko “who share a highly similar pedigree in their interests in the philosophical psychology of consciousness”, “their desire for a decolonising of the mind”, “the liberation of Africa and in the politics of nationalism and socialism” (Mbembe 2015:126). Their ideologies have the interest in young South Africans.