Ernesto Che Guevara, Helder Camara and Bell Hooks on Mussolini's Fascist View

Solnit’s choice of topic and the context surrounding it stem from her knowledge of the extent of the issue and the overarching repercussions that could result. She acknowledges that there are other topics that she would prefer to devote her time to, “but this affects everything else” (530). Through her topic choice and her selection of details, Solnit seeks to reveal the depth of the inequality throughout society. In order to do this, one of the first strategies that Solnit employs is to use examples from all around the globe. She writes this essay under the assumption that the audience is largely uninformed about the sheer extent of violence against women, and is working to remedy that situation. By pointing out the ways in which other countries routinely and systematically discriminate against women, Solnit places under scrutiny the idea that women’s rights are no longer an issue in the United States. Additionally, by presenting her audience with an abundance of headlines and examples of this discrimination, she further validates her argument and purpose of shedding light onto the issue. One other way in which the context of Solnit’s essay advances her purpose is through her creation of ties between the women’s rights movement and the

The first assumption argues that “western” feminist discourses emphasize that all women are bound together by a shared oppression and are powerless (53-54). Mohanty systemically explores this theory through an in depth analysis of five categories in which women of the third world are traditionally presented as homogenous victims by “western” feminist. The first two categories, women as victims of male violence and women as universal dependents, arguably offer the most straightforward deconstruction of the gendered body of knowledge that is power. Women, especially women of the third world, are all seen as victims of male violence and control (54). All women are defined as powerless, and all men are defined as powerful (55). Similarly, all women are defined as powerless dependents in the second category. Mohanty argues, “this is because descriptive gender differences are transformed into the divisions between men and women” (55). This division possesses a privileged position as the explanation for the oppression of women (56). Therefore, women are seen as a powerless group no matter what the historical or cultural situation because they are deemed so prior to any analysis (56).

This repeated strategy allows the reader to draw the connotation from the words into the arguments. Chavez promotes this by describing nonviolence with the words such as “power,” “support” and “justice.” These words have a strong, positive connotation, which is then applied to nonviolence. Giving his argument the aforementioned strong, positive connotation appeals to the pathos of his readers and further validates his argument. Chavez proceeds to critique violent resistance in the same way he validated nonviolence. By including words with negative connotations, such as “shortcut,” demoralization,” and “exploit,” violence resistance receives the strong negative connotation these words have. With the article published in the magazine of a religious organization, Chavez’s audience consisted of religious people devoted to helping those in need. Even when Chavez is looking to the religious component of nonviolent resistance, he includes comparisons to strengthen his argument. After Chavez describes “human life [a]s a very special possession given by God” he emphasizes that “no one has the right to take it for any reason.” These opposing positions create a clear choice for the religious readers to support, which is also Chavez’s position. When the text is examined beyond its surface appearance, the contrasting connotations support the growth of nonviolent

Benito Mussolini and his creation of Fascism was the glue that held Italy together. Fascism promised national unity and condemned the Socialist party. To understand how Fascism became powerful within Italy, it is imperative to acknowledge the driving force behind this regime. To put it bluntly, violence played an essential role in the development of the Fascist party. Mussolini’s practice of fierceness was able to create a formidable system of government that did not tolerate weakness. In 1919, Benito Mussolini give an Afternoon speech, where he stressed the difference between Socialism and Fascism. Here, he states, “We declare war, against socialism, not because it is socialism, but because it opposes nationalism” (Stone 2013, 38).

Benito Mussolini outlines several essential characteristics of his preferred political ideology, Fascism, in what has become known as the Doctrine of Fascism. In this paper, Mussolini outlines his vision of the ideology, and explains the major issues that Fascism will address once it becomes the leading political system in Italy. Mussolini’s major points as outlined in the Doctrine included an extreme emphasis on nationalism, organization and modernization of the state, persistent focus on religion, life as a struggle, and the notion that individuals exist only for the improvement of society as a whole. Wolfgang Schieder, after reviewing the Doctrine of Fascism, explains Mussolini’s success based on it and

What I hope to do in this paper is to show that many of the philosophies Enrique Dussel writes about in his book Twenty Theses on Politics, have a direct correlation to what has become to be known as Argentina’s ‘Dirty War,’ with a particular interest on the struggle of the people, the ignorance towards them and the idea that they did not exist to their capturers’ except as ‘things at the disposal of the powerful.’ (TTP pg. 79). Their reaction to this type of oppression, after years of detention, torture and death, touches upon Dussel’s idea of the irruption of the collective conscious of a community that breaks the hold of the oppressor and ignites into a collective dissent.

The call for feminism marks the beginning of an extensive journey with the quest to inspire women and to advocate women right in a male governed the world. Gloria Anzaldúa and Maxine Kingston both scrutinize feminism in the framework of “Borderland: La Frontera: The New Mestiza” and “The Women Warrior” encouraging women to occupy a strong position in the post-colonial male led civilization. The author both traces the journey of women struggle to achieve rewarding role within the structure shaped by men. The alliance of different voice from disregarded women gestures a strong theme that inspires Maxine Hong Kingston and Gloria Anzaldua to write enthusiastically within the feminist topic to dispute the patriarchal society.

The primary ideology of fascism, founded by Benito Mussolini, is nationalism: They believe that their nation (of which fascism is incorporated) is above all, and is the most worthy thing one could fight for. In terms of foreign affairs, the fascist nation should always be put first. Within a fascist country, the people are obligated to be obedient to the state and that the state should have complete power, as the good of the nation is held above the good of individuals. Militarism is also valued by the fascist ideology as a strong military represents strength within rule and enforcement. Furthermore, fascism is openly anti-democratic as it equates a nation to the majority, thus lowering totalitarian control and power. In addition, fascism believes all classes within a country should collaborate for the good of the nation, therefore opposing the ideology of communism. However, as fascism was enforced by both Italian and German governments, the differences between the two remain existent. As Italian fascism deems true to traditional values of nationalism (in terms of acquiring Rome), it is not valued as radical if compared to Nationalism Socialism (Nazism), a profound form of fascism. Unlike Italian fascism and emphasis on the nation, Nazism comprehends the nation and race as inseparable, stressing white supremacy and the philosophy of the Aryan Race. The rejection of the concept of race is what primarily differentiated Italian Fascism and Nazism, as Mussolini never fully

Benito Mussolini was obsessed with Rome. He is the one who created the fascist movement in Italy in 1919. He then turned this movement into a legitimate party called the Fascist Party. By doing this he gained more credit and obtained more followers and supporters. Fascism is this overwhelming idea of patriotism throughout a country.

Pedagogy of the Oppressed is Paulo Freire’s most well-known work. In it he presents a theory of education in the context of the revolutionary struggle. While the revolutionary theory is Marxist the context is unmistakably South American. There is more than a hint of Liberation theology. The focus of the educational programmes he describes seem to be aimed primarily at rural peasants rather than the urban

The fascist dictator of Italy Benito Mussolini rose to power through the use of his charisma, his unethical elimination of opponents and his attack on the capitol of Rome Italy. Through the use of these assets Mussolini was able to successfully become the fascist dictator of Italy and contribute to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people. Mussolini’s charisma was one of the major factors in rising to power, enabling him to woo the people of Italy in his famous speeches. His elimination of his opponents allowed him to effectively turn a democracy into a dictatorship by force, bringing him into power without resistance. Finally Mussolini’s final march to Rome, the capital of Italy, was the final turning point in Italy’s surrender to dictatorship and fascism. These three aspects were the contributing factors to Benito Mussolini’s rise to power.

The women’s movement in Latin America is mainly influenced by the earlier feminist movements that have existed throughout history which were for the most part made up of middle class individuals. Nonetheless the women’s movement in Latin America includes the participation and unity of women in organizations. These organizations have a democratic ideal which entitles women’s solidarity. That said, they are made of women, by women for women. These different women movements have existed and continue to fight for the rights of women workers in trade unions, for housewives in squatter settlements, overall they are simply females, mothers, sisters, daughters, aunts, grandmothers defending their human rights and stand against their state’s authoritarianism

Gender inequality has been ongoing issue since the beginning of time. The Cuban Revolution brought along many changes that were to be positive change bought upon by the Cubans. However, the revolution saw ‘gender inequality’ as more of a dilemma than race. Ultimately, black cubans ( Afro-Cubans) were Cuban. The government could not deny that, as the revolution came about Afro-Cubans were granted the same rights as whites. The job market, education, and public places were coming together and be one Cuba. “ Women were encouraged to form their own organization, the Federation of Cuban Women, under the auspices of the Communist Party, and identify and challenge the problem that faced them specifically”. ( Chomsky 141) For instance, the revolution

All around the world women are crying out, claiming "that it is no longer acceptable to discuss women's rights as separate form human rights," (Hillary Clinton -- Tumulty, 1997). The abuses females endure are found everywhere in places like Senegal, Bangladesh, and Berjing, China. Abortion, denial of political rights, and suppression of speech (Tumulty) are forces upon women daily. But feminism has taken a strong hold of the women around the world, giving them hope for equal rights in the future. "Our community could see we were a society of strong willed women," prides Faustima Nunez, a resident of Chica, "and we are no

As World War II (WWII) approached, Mussolini announced his intention of annexing Malta, Corsica, and Tunis. He spoke of creating a "New Roman Empire" that would stretch east to Palestine and south through Libya and Egypt to Kenya. In April 1939, after a brief war, he annexed Albania, a campaign which strained his military. His armed forces are generally considered to have been unprepared for combat when the German invasion of Poland led to World War II. Mussolini thus decided to remain 'non-belligerent' until he was quite certain which side would win.