Euro-American Research Article Summary

The chapter begins to by talking about how skin color plays a big role between Mexicans and Euro-Americans. For example, if one was Mexican but had light skin and can pass for white than they would have more opportunities and receive less discrimination then if one was a Mexican with darker skin tone. After war ended, what happened to Alamo become a myth. “As hostilities between Euro-Americans and Mexicans came head, Cordova was pressured to takes sides, which he refused to do so.” But late on when Euro-Americans decided to get back the people who did not support them, Cordova rebel against them in Texas. He gained interest and support by Natives, Mexicans, Blacks, and some whites. Moreover, the chapter then goes one about the violence toward Mexicans especially to the Mexicans who had to with some sort of resistance. I perceived the author’s purpose would be to inform everyone of what really went down on Texas between Mexicans and Euro-Americans. Also, how the Euro-Americans have been mistreated and discriminating against Mexicans.

The book, Undivided Rights: Women of Color Organize for Reproductive Justice, was published by the South End Press and written by Marlene Gerber Fried, Loretta Ross, and Elena Gutierrez. Ultimately, due to the lack of inclusivity and representation during the mainstream reproductive movement in the 20th century, this book highlights the bravery and activism done by women of color and their grassroots organizations in order to combat racism and stereotypes as well as to broaden and redefine the meaning of reproductive rights and reproductive justice, so as to ensure that all women, not just middle class white women, had their voices heard and addressed. With a thorough look at the various grassroots organizations as well as the various women of color behind them, I believe this book does an exceptional job at not only analyzing the historical contexts, but also analyzing the grassroots

With having such a direct focal point (Black women), readers could easily forget that these injustices were happening to all types of women such as: disabled, poor, and other non-white communities. As I read, I craved for a surer tone from Dorothy Roberts much like the tone of Angela Davis’ work. Ultimately, I wish the text present a solution plan for women in the United States. Our problem is due to unorganized

A Chair for My Mother is about a young girl, her hardworking mother, and her grandmother who put the coins they have earned and saved into a jar. After a house fired burned their valuable possessions, they want to buy a new comfortable chair with the money they have gathered together. In a 1st grade classroom, I would read this book when talking about responsibility and working together to achieve a common goal. We will read this story to talk about character traits and create a cooperation chart. We will record each person listed in the book and report how they contributed in helping the family. In this book, I really loved description and image of the people in the neighborhood who helped the family after the fire burned down. It is a great

Doetsch-Kidder’s (2016) monograph defines the important role of intersectionality as a defining sea-change in the way that women of color began to unify across racial and cultural barriers. Interviews with minority activists define the perception of the diversification of feminist ideology through the lens of intersectionality. One interview with a African-American activist named Donna illustrates the unity between women of color that evolved in the 1970s: “But overall, we are all fighting for civil rights, so there has to be some type of overlap with each one” (Doetsch-Kidder, 2016, p.103). This development defines the “overlapping’ ideology of different feminist groups, which soon began to devolve the racial and cultural barriers not only between women of color, but also with white feminist groups. In Doetsch-Kidder’s (2016) point of view, the civil rights movement laid the foundation for intersectional feminist principles to be practiced for women seeking greater representation in the workplace.

This week, the readings touched on issues relating to resistance and social change. Martinez explains how the U.S. has struggled to see issues of race beyond just Black and white. She also stresses the importance of including other races when speaking on these issues. Hernandez argues that the mainstream feminist movement fails to include minority and low-income women and the issues they face. She states that the movement only benefits white middle class women. Collins explains how people’s ideas and behaviors actualize other people’s inequalities. She says comparing levels of oppression is a competition for attention and instead we should use a new mentality that interlocks these inequalities. Harris

Historiographical interpretations of the Civil Rights Movement have often been documented as a history of great men mostly focusing on black men like Dr. Martin Luther King, John Lewis, Jim Lawson, and Malcom X. As scholars of the civil rights movement, we now recognize the ways in which the prevailing forces of both patriarchy and sexism have done the work of minimizing and erasing the important contributions of women throughout the progression of human history. Whether we look to the development of the ancient the Roman empire or more contemporarily at the development of the United States of America, women have played a very important role in ensuring the success and sustainability of said nations. The same trend follows when considering various social movements throughout society. From the protestant reformation to the civil rights movement, we can observe that women played a big role in both their formation and in their conclusion.

In an attempt to define Black Feminism, Collins clarifies that it must “avoid the idealist position that ideas can be evaluated in isolation from the groups that create them (Collins 385).” In reality, this forms her basis for why Black Feminism is necessary, and who it serves. Thinking about feminism historically, the concerns of black women were pushed aside in favor of fighting sexism, most notably during the Suffrage movement. And even when feminism began looking at other social injustices, such as racism and class issues, only prominent feminists were invited to the discussion. What resulted was, and often continues to be, a problem of white women speaking for oppressed people. It’s impossible, Collins argues, to have Black Feminist thought without examining the experiences and positions of African American women. Therefore, Black Feminism must be a movement that “encompasses theoretical interpretations of Black women’s reality by those who live in it (Collins 386).” However, such a definition brings about many questions: who’s experiences are valued, how do black women take their voice back, and how can they center feminist thinking on their own unique standpoint?

Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment. Ed. By Patricia Hill Collins. (New York: Routledge, 2000. ii, 336 pp. Cloth, $128.28, ISBN 0-415-92483-9. Paper, $26.21, 0-415-92484-7.)

This article discusses political realities that have researched scholarship, and action consequences in the field of Black studies. This includes the academy, a changing political economy, Black studies ideology, and Black studies for a new century, and it interconnectedness to the other issue, centering gender and interrogating the theory and practice of Black women’s studies.

In an attempt to define Black Feminism, Collins clarifies that it must “avoid the idealist position that ideas can be evaluated in isolation from the groups that create them (Collins 385).” This clarification forms her basis for why Black Feminism is necessary, and who it serves. Thinking about feminism historically, the concerns of black women were pushed aside in favor of fighting sexism; a notable example occurs within the Suffrage movement, where votes for white women were prioritized over women of color in order to push such legislation through. And even when feminism began looking at other social injustices, such as racism and class issues, often only prominent feminists were invited to the discussion. What resulted was, and often continues to be, a problem of white women speaking for oppressed people. It’s impossible, Collins argues, to have Black Feminist thought without examining the experiences and positions of African American women. Therefore, Black Feminism must be a movement that “encompasses theoretical interpretations of Black women’s reality by those who live in it (Collins 386).” However, such a definition brings about many questions:

As African-American women address social issues that are important to their life experiences, such as class and race, instead to acknowledge “common oppression” of gender inequality, they are often criticized by “white bourgeois feminists” (hooks, 2000). Their ability to gain any form of equality within society is tarnished by such groups as they develop a “fear of encountering racism” from simply joining this movement (hooks, 2000). As white men, black men, and white women oppress them, their issues are often ignored due to reoccurring stereotypes and myths that claim black women are strong, independent, and “superhuman” (hooks, 2000). It becomes extremely difficult to seek liberation and equity within a “racist, sexist, and classist” society, as their gender and race causes them to be at the “bottom of the occupational ladder” and “social status” (hooks, 2000, pg. 16). As black women are perceived to demonstrate strength and dynamic qualities as white women perpetrate the image of being

For most shows, the LGBTQ characters either a) get written off, or b) fall into heteronormative gender ideals. When a writer does decide to add a queer character seen beyond the use of the “one time experiment” episode, these queer storylines that end up formulaic and lacking substance (Kessler, p.1). These queer characters are usually depicted as either Lesbian or Gay, thus leaving the Bisexual and Transgender characters much harder to come by. In most situations characters and audiences react to bisexual characters just as Erica Hahn did with Callie in season 5 when she said, “you can’t ‘kind of’ be a lesbian.” (GREY’S ANATOMY SEASON 5 EPISODE 7). These were some of the last words that doctor Erica ever said on the show. Ironically this was

I have not always known that I wanted to become a social worker. As a little girl I was never the child who could answer the question “what do you want to be when you grow up?” I did not want to be a doctor, a lawyer, or a movie star; I only knew that I wanted to help people around the world. This desire to help others continued through middle school and high school, but through my babysitting I realized that I wanted to specifically help children. I contemplated becoming a teacher, a guidance counselor or any other profession that worked closely with children, but none of those professions seemed like a good match.

Feminist and critical race theory both address privilege and social oppression in society. Though both theories seek to address the same issues, they have wildly different approaches to understanding the mechanisms behind them. It is imperative to know how these theories acknowledge oppression as well as privilege in order to decide whether it is appropriate to utilize them when practicing as a social worker. In doing so, the social worker will be able to more effectively know when to correctly apply one of these theories as well as when it would be inadvisable to do so.