From 1964 - 1985 Brazil was under the influence of a military regime that killed or “disappeared” political activists and trade unionists and tortured many others. Brazil’s military regime ruled Brazil by rotating military presidents, held elections, and kept Congress open. However, in reality, the elections held were heavily manipulated and the military openly threatened Congress if it began to operate against the views and wishes of the regime. In 1979 the Brazilian government passed an amnesty law that allowed all banished activists to return to Brazil but also protected officials involved in the military regime from any prosecution for human rights violations committed prior to 1979. Because of this law, no military offenders were tried and convicted for their crimes More than 400 people were killed or disappeared between 1964 and 1985. Many others, including President Dilma Rousseff, …show more content…
In it, it identifies 377 people as responsible for human rights abuses. It says the ones who are still alive, approximately 100, should be brought to trial. The commission argues that Brazil's 1979 amnesty law does not apply to these individuals because of the grave nature of the crimes they committed. The 1979 law states that neither military officials accused of torture nor left-wing guerrillas accused of violence can face prosecution. The commission says the number of victims is probably higher but it could not confirm more cases because it could not access the relevant security forces documents, many of which have reportedly been destroyed. The commission concluded that human rights violations such as illegal arrests, executions, torture and forced disappearances continue today because the crimes committed under military rule were not denounced, investigated or
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Get AccessAll three nations would deal with similarities and differences when it came to military forces working within their governments. When Brazil had first gained its independence from Portugal in 1822, Brazil had become a monarchy. The monarchy would only last until 1889, they would then switch over to a republican form of government. After that they would transition into a dictator, followed by several presidents who tried to steer the Brazilian government into a democracy. One president named Juscelino Kubitschek would continue to develop Brazil’s economy; however, his dreams would be very expensive. His successors would try to accomplish his goal for him but it would prove to put the nation into foreign debt and inflation would shoot up. The plan for a land reform did not sit well with many people, they did not support breaking up large estates to give to peasants. The army would then step in taking control of a military coup. For two decades the military would end up controlling Brazil. The generals would focus on economic growth as well as fostering foreign investments. The military would then begin to pour in extensively large investments into the Amazon jungle. The economy would then boom, but the government would cut back on wages and social programs. Henceforth, the standard of living would decline massively. After the government had imposed censorship, the hate of the military government grew quickly. A recession, slow down of the economy took place. After this event, the military generals would decide to step down and allow free
Jacobo Timerman’s memoir Prisoner without a Name, Cell without a Number both details Timerman’s time in captivity at the hands of the Argentine military government and examines the political climate in Argentina that allowed said government to “eliminate reality” (13) and plunge the country into chaos. Timerman exhaustively covers all forms of oppression – from various physical tortures to outright violations of the law – that the military government carries out in order to convey to the reader the idea of the military government’s “philosophy of repression” and illustrate the direness of the Dirty War. Many of the grievances committed against Timerman and his companions (like the 10,000 “disappearances,” or torture by electrocution) may stand out as particularly egregious examples of the military government’s oppression of the people. However, I believe that the military government’s hunger for complete control of Argentina and its people stands as the worst and most important aspect of its repressive philosophy, and that this need for control encouraged many of the actions that left lasting scars on both Timerman and Argentina itself.
During the cold war, in a misguided attempt to “secure” much of South and Central America, the United States played the charade of safeguarding freedom in such places as Brazil, Argentina, and Guatemala; each developed its own strain of repressive autocracy, to which the champion of democracy turned a blind eye. Such cases do not reflect a failure among Brazilians, Argentinians, or Guatemalans. Rather, they are a consequence of loyalty.
In 1977 Nilda “Munu” Goretta was walking home from work on a busy street in downtown Buenos Aires when members of the Argentinean Military Death Squad blindfolded her from behind and shoved her into a nearby car. She wasn’t seen or heard from for 13 months. During the height of Argentina’s seven-year military dictatorship Munu lived as a political prisoner in the torture center, ESMA. In order to maintain control, the junta organized a system to eliminate any threats to the new government. Anyone who expressed the slightest sympathies for leftist politics would vanish without a trace. The general public was not aware of the concentration camps. ESMA operated as the navy mechanical school in the center of the city, but beneath its deceitful concrete exterior was a basement death camp where thousands of political prisoners, including pregnant women, were brutally tortured and killed. Munu is one of the few who narrowly survived. Each time she was taken by guards from her
The first of the two provisions encompassed in article 11 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights asserts that individuals cannot be considered guilty until it can be proved fairly, in a court of law that you were, in fact, guilty of the crime. However, in 1984, much of the time when one is accused of a crime they were never given the chance to be tried fairly for their crimes, the government also chooses to prosecute everyone as guilty, rather than innocent until proven guilty. Consequently, those who were accused of a crime were seen as guilty in the eyes of the régime, and were tortured until the suspects confessed to thoughtcrimes, as well as other offenses they were or were not “presumed” to have committed. In fact, because of authority mistreatment these individuals would confess to outrageous offenses
During the 1960s and 1970s in Latin America, countries like Argentina, Brazil, and Chile all experienced some sort of authoritarian regime. According to O’ Donnell this new type of bureaucratic authoritarian military regime left many political scientists puzzled because of its quick ability to take over these countries. His prediction of what would happen to these countries were astonishing because it was pretty accurate. Larger countries in Latin America such as Argentina, Brazil, and Chile presented perfect examples why these countries failed during this time and led to bureaucratic-authoritarian military interventions. Military threats, economic crises, weak politics, and failing government
Brazil is a country known for their food, cultural festivals, and soccer. Located in South America, Brazil’s climate is mostly tropical, except for the temperate south. Brazil is broken into twenty-six states and one federal district. Brazil is at the center of everything; bordered by Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, French Guiana, Guyana, Paraguay, Peru, Suriname, Uruguay, and Venezuela. Brazil is one of the twenty top contributors of uniformed personal in United Nations (UN) operations (UN 2010) and President Dilma Rousseff considers Brazil “a land of welcome” in terms of allowing refuges into the country (Paulo 2015). Being a peaceful nation, Brazil considered free of weapons of mass destruction and only spends 1.47% gross domestic product
That the quality of correctional and criminal justice system interactions is the determining feature of each country's level of social and economic development is beyond any doubts. The more regulated and civilized the correctional system is the more civilized and regulated the overall image of the country looks. In the United States, the long history of the penitentiary system has significantly contributed in the development of humane and legal principles of corrections and criminal justice. In distinction from the U.S., Brazilian system of corrections is surrounded by an array of legal and human rights controversies.
It is estimate that 30,000 people disappeared when the military junta took over the government in 1970. During this period, the government systematically violated human rights with the excuse that they were protecting the country from the “enemy”. This bloody period during the Argentine history is still healing today. This kind of state terrosrism resulted of The trials against the perpetrators of this atrocities are still in process.
Without going into further details about British courts decisions, it suffices to recall that the House of Lords Committee finally decided that Pinochet had no criminal immunity and that his extradition was possible . Nonetheless, a political decision based on 'humanitarian grounds ' freed Pinochet, who returned to Chile when some legal proceedings had already initiated to investigate human rights violations occurred during both the coup and Pinochet’s mandate, and he was finally put into trial. Once again, external pressures were significant factors when promoting domestic
being charge for abused the human rights. Americas served a lot for the defense of
The men and women that sacrifice their lives to protect their country are not free to murder and persecute at will. The soldiers that torture prisoners of war beyond the legal limits set by international law or kill civilians are war criminals. One of the problems that concern political leaders around the world is the development of a process to capture and try a war criminal that is legally agreeable and affordable (Marvasti). Some countries refuse to participate with the International Criminal Court and tend to hide war criminals (Kramer). Furthermore, there are countries that are sympathetic to war criminals and grant them asylum (Haskew). These are just a few of the reasons that many war criminals remain at large today. In order for
“The purpose of terrorism lies not just in the violent act itself.It is in producing terror.It sets out to inflame, to divide, to produce consequences which they then use to justify further terror”(Blair,2003). Terrorism is any kind of physical or psychological violence that causes some kind of repression and fear to society due to terror. This terror weakens the population and helps terrorists spread their ideologies, and achieve what would be the success of their actions. The terrorism has multiple facets and in Brazil, it manifests itself through the so-called militia. The corruption and the lack of interest of the government do not contribute to developing appropriate policies for society, especially essential public services such as education,
The past few months for my native country Venezuela have been very difficult, with all the human rights violations and repression we have faced not only in recent months but in the past ten years, many families including mine have been separated. As a Venezuelan living the United States and watching the past six months’ how civilians especially young students have been in the streets of Venezuelan peacefully protesting for a democratic country. About 111 of these civilians have been killed by the government, some have been imprisoned unjustly by national guard without the right to a free trial. As a Venezuelan who immigrated to the United States fifteen years ago, for a better quality of life, it has been very difficult for me in the last
A history of militarism and colonialism are the biggest obstacle to democracy in South America. Using the case of Argentina, this paper will be discussing how its famous history of militarism and consequent military rule has undermined the concept of a democracy. I will then go into detail about the certain aspects of military rule, ( ‘The Dirty War’, gross economic mismanagement and patron client relationships), that make it such an obstacle to democracy. I shall also try and explain how a history of colonialism has made Argentina more susceptible to military rule than perhaps other countries in the region.