Appropriation and Exclusion:
In his major work ‘Ideology and Ideological state apparatus’ Althusser expanded in way the marxist idea of economy as superstructure to ideology as the most major form of power in capitalist society. It is through this major form of power which is ideology, the state establishes its relationship with its subjects. Through his main concepts which are Ideological state apparatus and repressive state apparatus the state tries to produce the conditions of reproduction of production forces and existing relations of production.
In the Indian context as well the ideology and curriculum are the tools by which we can understand the education as a part of schooling in the form of construction of hegemony. We can contextualize
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When the boat reaches midstream, the boatman says how insignificant the brahmin’s life would be if the boat were to sink. For, he does not “know” how to swim and would surely die. The story is popular because it shows how brahmins lack life skills, and ridicules the brahmin’s lack of knowledge. It also reflects the deep bifurcation of knowledge in society. Who should know what? This is governed by the division of labour, and the monopoly on power and wealth enjoyed by the upper castes, classes, and men. It is no wonder that the bifurcation of knowledge is acknowledged as being at the root of sociopolitical struggles of the working class, dalits, and women.3 He further writes citing the example of Jyotirao Phule a social reformer and activist of the 19th century, belonged to the Mali (gardener) caste, but “established the first school anywhere in India for shudrathshudra girls in 1848” (Deshpande 2002: …show more content…
He is also considered to be the mentor of Keshav Baliram Hedgewar. The two men were related by intimate friendship. Between February and March 1931, on his return from the round table conference, Moonje made a tour of Europe, which included a long stopover in Italy. There he visited some important military schools and educational institutions. He visited different institutions during his stay in Rome. This list mainly includes the Military College, the Central Military School of Physical Education, the Fascist Academy of Physical Education, and, most important, the Balilla and Avanguardisti organisations. He considered these organisations to be the major keystone of the indoctrination of the fascist system of regime rather than the education of the youth. Casolari argues that their structure is strikingly similar to that of RSS. They recruited boys from the age of six, up to 18. The youths had to attend weekly meetings, where they practised physical exercises, received paramilitary training and performed drills and
The Education system currently in use by the United States of America is a modified version of a methodical tool used to implement obedient control at young age and centralized power solidification. A problem with the system is the obsessive culture of
The Repressive State Apparatuses, RSAs, control and enforce certain ideologies and laws of societies through the Head of State, government, the police, the army, and courts. In Brazilian slave-society, the ruling class that consisted of slave-owners and white elites controlled the RSAs because they possessed some State power. Hence, if a group, possibly slaves and abolitionists, were to challenge the dominant order, the ruling class could wield RSAs to suppress the attack either through the system of law and court or through more violent means such as incarceration, police, and military force. On the other hand, Ideological State Apparatuses, ISAs, enforce the dominant ideology and accepted facts of society through private domains and institutions, such as schools and universities, church, mass media, family, and culture. Instead of enforcing ideology through fear of punishment, ISAs enforce the dominant ideology through people’s fear of public disapproval. If a group were to deviate from the norm, the dominant ideology, then the group could face unwanted social ridicule. Hence, “All ISAs, whatever they are, contribute to the same result: the reproduction of the relations of production” (Althusser 117). By utilizing both RSAs and ISAs, the ruling class can continually reproduce the
Throughout this paper, I will be comparing this approach to a number of more traditional approaches to educational policy analysis such as the rational comprehensive model, politically rational model (Bacchi, 1999), Critical Discourse Analysis (Thomas, 2004) and the effects of globalization through common world education culture and the globally structured agenda for education (Dale, 2000). Examining the strengths and weakness of these approaches as compared to the less traditional “what’s the problem?” approach, can help gain a clearer understanding of educational policy and therefore help us to be (hopefully) informed members of the policy making and implementation process.
Bowles and Gintis also believe that schools are no longer about the teaching of a subject but the Social Principle or control of the pupils meaning that schools concentrate more on the hidden curriculum than the knowledge process. Equally, schools don’t reward independence and innovation, therefore meritocracy cannot exist within our capitalist society as capitalism is based on the principle of a ruling class (the bourgeosis) and a working class (the proletariat) and meritocracy would abolish the idea of the ruling class, society would be equal. According to Louis Althusser (1972), a French Marxist philosopher, the school serves to mould individuals into subjects that fit with the requirements of capitalism, they learn submission, deference and respect for the economy and their place in it. The school also works to ensure that the labour force is technically competent. Also, according to Althusser, the ruling class within any society exercises control over and through schooling and the Ideological State Apparatuses (ISAs). The ideologies themselves express the material interests of the ruling class, so this control over and through the ISAs maintains what is called class hegemony, or domination. Althusser is also draws attention to the powerful effects of the ‘hidden curriculum’ of
Many people have different opinions on political subjects. The ways a person may feel about these subjects determine what they are in the political world. I personally do not follow politics like other people older than me do, but I do consider myself to be a moderate democrat. Both of my parents are democrats, and they choose to be of this political spectrum because they feel like the Democratic Party represents them. They feel as they stand for policies that will better them as people. With me, I am my own person so I take in the considerations of my parents’ choice, but also make my own decisions. I do believe in some of the policies and ideas of the Democratic Party, but disagree on
1) Compare the various agents of ideological social control and their effectiveness in controlling behavior.
The ideology of Marxism, established by German philosopher Karl Marx, is a collectively known set of assumptions of a political ideology, which focuses especially on analysis of materialist interpretation of historical development, or on class struggle within the society. The primarily approach of Marxism, nonetheless, was the critique of capitalism. The strength of his inquiry lies in belief of inevitable shift from capitalism and he aims to advocate the new form of ideology and economy, the socialism. The title of this essay is provocative as in today´s world, there exist many proponents who claim, the core of Marx conception of ideology is still relevant in the 21st globalised world. However, Marxism is relevant to the extent to which
Marx conceived the base and superstructure approach that defines capitalist society. The base relates to all that is a function of production in society and conversely, the superstructure, which can be said to be derived from the base, relates to the values, culture, ideology and the governing bodies of society. The former creates and supports the latter by a process of legitimisation of the economic activities, and in turn, the superstructure ensures the processes remain in place. Class domination plays a large part in this process of organisation; for example, private education providing better opportunities for advancement and primary socialisation into the higher echelons of society. However, a counter argument claims that the state is just as involved in the stresses and “struggles of civil society’’ as opposed to being a mere extension of it for the pure benefit of a particular class interest (Held 2001, in Hall and Gieben 2001, p 113).
Karl Marx (1818-1883) was one of the most influential thinkers and writers of modern times. Although it was only until after his death when his doctrine became world know and was titled Marxism. Marx is best known for his publication, The Communist Manifesto that he wrote with Engels; it became a very influential for future ideologies. A German political philosopher and revolutionary, Karl Marx was widely known for his radical concepts of society. This paper give an analysis of “The Manifesto” which is a series of writings to advocate Marx ‘s theory of struggles between classes. I will be writing on The Communist Manifesto, published in 1848, which lays down his theories on socialism and Communism.
Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels collaborated to produce The German Ideology, which was one of the classic texts generated by the two. Even though The German Ideology stands our as one of the major texts produced by the two, it was never published during Marx’s lifetime. This was a clear expression of the theory of history by Marx and its associated materialist metaphysics. One of the main reasons this text is a classic text by these philosophers is the fact that it introduces students to the basic tenets of the philosopher’s approach. Notably, Karl Marx produced The German Ideology in 1846 as a critique of George Friedrich Hegel and his followers in Germany. The philosophers sought to differentiate their concept of socialism from existing ones and exhibit how socialism emerges ordinarily from the social conflicts embedded in capitalism.
Mahasweta Devi’s short story, “Giribala,” is about the life of Giribala, a girl of Talsana village located in India. Born into a caste in a time when it was still customary to pay a bride-price, Giri is sold to Aulchand by her father. From this point on, we see a series of unfortunate, tragic events that take place in Giri’s life as a result of the circumstances surrounding Giri’s life. There are many issues in Giri’s life in India that Devi highlights to readers. First, the economic instability of the village leads to an extremely poor quality of life for the lower, working classes. Next, the cruel role of women determined by men in society is to either satisfy the sexual desires of men or to reproduce offspring who can work or be sold off to marriages. There are also other social norms and beliefs which discriminate against women that will be discussed.
This next unit of theory is entitled "Ideology and Discourse." The theorists we're examining--Althusser, Bakhtin, and Foucault--are discussing how ideology works, and how ideologies construct subjects. All of these theorists are coming from a Marxist perspective, using ideas and terms developed in Marxist theory, though only Althusser actually claims to be a Marxist. So to start off, I want to talk a bit about some basic ideas of Marxist theory.
When considering the cultural lens of the sociological imagination we pay attention to cultural differences and diversity (Georgeou, 2010). In relation education we look again at the historical view of education as a right and the term considered cultural capital, which has had a strong impact on the social inequalities within education.
The differences between the rich and poor in India are like the opposite sides of a coin. The poor of India are mistreated and abused. Their homes are surrounded by trash and sewage and are very likely to be flooded, deathly hot and severely polluted. Nearly 25% of the population in India is under the poverty line. The families in the slums of India only care about surviving and marriage. Balram describes their relationship with the rich as “The rich are always one step ahead of us-aren’t they?” (Adiga 230). Balram means that he felt that the rich were always taking advantage of him and his family’s ability to work and he wanted to get ahead of the rich. The rich are blissfully unaware of the
This underscores why politicians have long perceived mass media as a veritable channel of disseminating an ideology so that the society can mirror itself against what the media feeds it and thus be manipulated. This further begs the question of whether the media is a contributor or otherwise to societal problems in the face of political ideological dissemination.