Essay on FLQ Crisis

In further analysis, angry people are more likely to listen to militants and commit violent acts, building a tense environment for Quebec citizens to live in. According to CBC Digital Archives, in response to the FLQ and other revolutionary groups forming, “when innocent people became injured from terrorist attacks, the cry for police involvement became shrill.” (FLQ Backgrounder Web) It is evident in this statement that many separatists who resorted to acts of terrorism consequently stimulated anger and fear in Quebec. If the Quiet Revolution had not occurred and the feelings of separatism and rise of terrorist groups did not follow, fewer people would have been hurt by the violence, both directly and indirectly. All things considered, the encouragement of separatism also weakened English-French relations as Quebec left 30 large shared programs, though the other provinces did not have the right to do so. All things considered, “from the Quebec Act of 1774 to the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, Canada has protected the place of its French minority. If Quebec were to separate, that protection would be gone and the Francophone society would be assimilated by the wider world within a generation or two.” (Kheiriddin) In relation to this comment, many English Canadians viewed Quebec’s special status during the revolution as

“Just watch me” are the defiant words uttered by Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Elliot Trudeau in response to the Front de liberation du Quebec (FLQ), a Marxist group who captained Quebec independence through indiscriminate political violence. His words are not those of an iron-fisted strongman, despite how strong and undetailed his comments were at the time, but those of a calculated and well-versed leader, whose decisions came at the behest of prominent Quebec politicians. The FLQ instilled a decade of social violence in the streets of Quebec by systemically championing the struggles of French minorities who perceived unjust treatment in everyday life. Their qualms quickly evolved from protest to a Marxist movement, which incorporated

. . infuriated by” is still widely debated. Some argue that it removed many of the rights granted to Canadians, while others commend the government for doing their job and protecting the people of the nation. The process that led up to the enactment of the War Measures Act was that on October 15, Quebec acted within the National Defense Act which “permitted Quebec to call in the Canadian Army.” Arrival of the troops created unrest within the province and the next day, at the request of the Quebec government, “the War Measures Act Regulations were proclaimed by Ottawa.” The War Measures Act allowed authorities (police and army) to arrest and imprison anyone who had any tie to the “unlawful association” which was the FLQ in this case. Many people were detained and released again; this enactment facilitated the arrest of many of the leaders within the FLQ which stopped much of the momentum of the terrorist movement. Many people saw the War Measures Act as a “Great Reinforcer” for the police as well as for the governments reputation. The chaos that ensued in October put much stress upon the Prime Minister at the time, Pierre Elliott Trudeau, who was a Quebecois

The Quebec City mayor sent reinforcements from Ottawa to help control the rioting, which had been going on for two days. On the Easter Monday the crowds organized against the military presence in the city. Armed rioters started to fire at the troops and vise versa. There was an estimated four men killed by the fire and dozens injured. These riots represent one of the most violent disturbances in Canadian history. These riots erupted over conscription, which grew from how things were before in French Canadian nationalism. The military crackdown that lasted in Quebec until the end of the war resulted in an increase in state power in the growing of French Canadian nationalism. These riots over the conscription and the French Canadians sticking to their ways lead to a many difficult and unpleasant times in Quebec.

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For some time, many Quebecois had faith in the FLQ, believing the group would speed the process of separation from Canada; however the FLQ’s loyalty to these beliefs is questionable. Ultimately, it was perceived that the FLQ’s only goal was to give Quebec its justice; they wanted to see them united in a free society. On the other hand, during the October Crisis, they had not been able to prove that. When the FLQ kidnapped British diplomat James Cross, it publicized 7 demands, of which only one concerned French-Canadians, pertaining to fairer working conditions which was later dropped (Tetley, 2007). The rest concerned the FLQ themselves: publication of the Manifesto (a public declaration of policy and aims), the name of an informer, $500,000 in gold, the release of 23 jailed terrorists, and to transport them to either Algeria or Cuba (Knowlton, 1990). A goal of Quebec’s at the time, the protection of the French language, was a cause that preoccupied much of the nation, but was not a particular concern for the FLQ. In fact, the 1970 Manifesto was written in and proclaimed in informal French and “Fringlish” (Knowlton, 1990). The FLQ’s dedication to their cause is doubtful. FLQ believed that they weren’t going to get caught, hence their slogan “Independence or death” (Brown, 2011). However, when justice prevailed, the members chose exile rather than martyrdom. This made it clear that the FLQ’s dedication

Since the 9/11 attacks on U.S. soil at the outset of the twenty-first century, western states have enacted vast changes in the way that they deal with terrorist groups and terrorists. Due to the fact that civilian casualties have escalated as a result of terrorist acts, western polities have steered away from a punitive paradigm that criminalizes terrorist acts and aims at penalizing individuals who perpetrate such acts. Instead, there has been a dramatic shift towards a preventative approach in which terrorist acts are prevented prior towards any manifesting and inflicting harm on innocent victims. In Jonathan Shapiro’s “An Ounce of Cure for a Pound of Preventive Detention: Security Certificates,” published in Queen’s Law Journal in 2008, discusses the paradigm shift in Canadian foreign policy as it pertains to terrorism through a cogent discussion of Canada’s Immigration and Refugee Protection Act (IRPA). The IRPA authorizes the government to detained suspected terrorists amidst deportation proceedings. However, the Supreme Court of Canada rendered a decision that the Charter was provisionally violated by certain provisions of the Act, which is the central point of contention Shapiro has in this article. Indeed, he critiques the approach of the Supreme Court in the Charkaoi v. Canada decision, positing that the security certificate process violates several of the liberty and equality

The government responded aggressively to the kidnapping of both James Cross and Pierre LaPorte. After LaPorte’s body was found in a car by the Montreal airport, the government requested assistance from the Canadian Armed Forces . The federal government proclaimed the existence of a state of “apprehended insurrection” under the War Measures Act . Under these emergency regulations, the FLQ was outlawed and membership became a criminal act . The liberties of citizens were also suspended, and arrests and detentions were authorized without a charge .

This type of secretive government program certainly defines the contradictions of a so-called democratic country, which has continually propagandized the idea of equal rights and the right of individuals to have different political ideas. The role of the RCMP actually presents a type of “police state” mentality that projects a threat to democracy as a part of human rights violations committed by the Canadian government during this time. The Cold Ear ideology of “capitalism versus communism” certainly created a hyper-reactionary dualism in Canadian politics, which viewed anyone who supported communism as an enemy of the state. PROFUNC certainly defines a concerted effort by government officials and the RCMP to monitor Canadian communists with the future potential of having them imprisoned during a time of war with the Soviet Union.

In the midst of the October Crisis Pierre Trudeau handled the time of terrorism well. In this essay one will see how Trudeau handled the crisis excellently by examining the first domestic use of the War Measures Act which led to improvements on the Act, ensuring that Quebec did not become its own independent country, and how Canada stood behind and supported Quebec and Pierre Trudeau through the acts of violence led by the FLQ.

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The Manufactured Crisis written by David C. Berliner and Bruce J. Biddle is a book disproving the horrible reputation America’s education system has been given by the media and by the government. Americans have almost been programmed to believe that the public school systems are failing and that in order to make their children successful they have to be sent to private schools. The Manufactured Crisis is a well written book jammed packed full of research and observation that overwhelming disproves the myths and bashing of public school systems.

Two weeks after RCMP foiled and arrested two men who were conspiring a terrorist plot on a VIA train, Prime Minister Stephen Harper was asked about the possible societal causes of terrorism in response to Liberal leader Justin Trudeau’s idea that “someone felt excluded from society” (CBC, August 25, 2013). Harper’s response to this notion was that it was not the “time to commit sociology” and that “I don’t think we want to convey any view to the Canadian public other than our utter condemnation of this kind of violence, contemplation of this violence and our utter determination through our law and our activities to do everything we can to prevent it and counter it” (CBC, August 25, 2013). Again in August of 2014, a week

Venezuela owes foreign creditors approximately $120 billion, and must pay $7 billion this year. It is likely they will default.