The problem with this approach is that it depends upon a view of feminism that does not cut across racial and class lines, and ignores the societal impact of the normalization of sex work. Liberal feminism is, due to this, a fundamentally exclusionary philosophy. Cheryl Butler, in her essay applying critical race feminism to the question of the sex trade and sex trafficking in America, reveals the holes in liberal feminist theory. She specifically calls out how “liberal feminist perspectives on prostitution have focused on… the need to protect the rights of women to choose prostitution,” and, in doing so, ignore “how racism and other factors obscure choice for women of color in the United States.” According to Butler, discussions about …show more content…
This effectively silences the voice of those who are manipulated or otherwise forced into this industry.
Beyond all these points, however, lies another compelling argument as to the harm of the sex industry. In theory, what makes up the sex industry – the sale and purchase of sex, the production of pornography, strip clubs, etc. – is purely an issue of whether the individuals who chose to participate in any of those industries feel it is moral or not. Liberal feminism operates under this idea, where if a woman chooses to sell her own body, that is her choice, and choices cannot be criticized. The problem with this thinking is that it does not recognize the inherent harm of these industries. The sex industry is an industry that exists almost exclusively for the benefit of men. Women are simply portrayed as a means by which to satisfy the desires of men. An industry that relies upon the image of women as objects to
The article, The Cult of Womanhood: 1820 - 1860 written by Barbara Welter discusses the philosophy towards women in America during the mid 19th century. A set of demands and expectations based upon four principles: piety, purity, submission and domesticity were placed on women as well as certain behavioral expectations left 19th century women feeling guilty. It also left women feeling this way during the industrialization period as well as having a huge presence of incompatibility with society. Welter shares her viewpoint that the Cult of Womanhood was an attempt to preserve pre modern values in the industrial age. Men held a dominant place in society and continued to prevent new opportunities for women to explore. Narrow minded
This article by Cheryl Butler applies Critical Race Feminism to the issues of prostitution and sex trafficking in the United States. In doing so, Butler explores the debate on prostitution and sex trafficking through an intersectional lens, and thus acknowledges the role that race and class play in prostitution in America. She fully considers prostitution from a critical race perspective, i.e., one that considers how race and gender intersect with other systems of oppression together to marginalize people of color in America. She proposes policy changes that may help address prostitution from a position of intersectionality.
In the book The Feminine Mystique, Betty Friedan brings attention to what she calls the feminine mystique, or “the problem that has no name”. Through the use of anecdotal narratives, her own personal experiences as a journalist, editor, mother, and the interviews of many women from different backgrounds in order to unveil the truth about the women of the 1950’s. The problem which sparked the second wave of feminism in the United States is one that focuses on the inequality between men and women and the undervaluing of women in both the social and private spheres. The women of the time gave up pursuing their passions, such as getting an education or careers in science or business in order to fit the image of the stereotypical stay-at-home mom whose main goal in life is to raise her children while providing a safe and comforting home for her husband. The Feminine Mystique, as she called it, was the idea of widespread unhappiness of women, despite the preconceived notion that women were happiest when they have a family. Throughout her work, she dives into many of the problems associated with the feminine mystique and builds a powerful concept of what would eventually be labeled feminism.
Thesis: The criminalization of prostitution does more harm than good when often women are left unprotected, both socially and legally, and therefore, the United States should make efforts to decriminalize and regulate prostitution instead.
In the paper, “Principles over People”, the author seeks to persuade the reader to think critically about the abolitionist feminism as it relates to human trafficking and prostitution. The author believes the abolitionist feminist movement further perpetuates the very principles they argue against. He believes the abolitionists’ stance that all prostitution is forced and a form of human trafficking removes a woman’s right to choose what she does with her body. He further believes the stigmatization of prostitution by the abolitionist harms the women who are willingly choosing to be sex workers. By doing these things, the author feels the
Finally, legalizing prostitution would cut back immensely on sex trafficking. After making prostitution legal. Plus one other big movement behind the push for legalization is, ironically, feminism. Specifically, a new kind of feminism that acknowledges and seeks to defend women’s agency from all encroachments. It would save many more sex slaves than before. Trafficking for sexual exploitation trumps the analysis of human trafficking. There are worthy reasons for this. The sex manufactory is extra evident than, for instance,
You may think that a woman working as a prostitute feeds into the system of oppressing females, but it is way more than that. If a woman wants to be a prostitute, you must understand that there is a great chance that she is doing it for herself and not for the sake of a man. Perhaps you could take the blame off the prostitute and advocate instead for “cultural cleansing”, regarding the objectification and abuse of women in the sex industry (Chapkis 15). What I have just described to you in the mentality of a pro-positive sex feminist. Let me tell you a little more about why prostitution is not quite how you are depicting it.
As told by the United Nations, sex trafficking is “the recruitment, transportation, transfer, and harboring or receipt of persons, by means of threat, use of force, or other forms”; this is the idea of moving and selling goods by an action known as sexual exploitation (WHO, pg. 1). The idea of sex trafficking can be broken down into two different feminist views: a Radical feminist or a Liberal feminist. Radical feminists believe that the definition of sex trafficking applies to all people associated with prostitution; Prostitution can be described as an act where sexual favors are being exchanged for sums of money (O’Neil, pg. 123-137). On the other hand, Liberal feminists believe that sex work is related to debt-like situations and is used as a tool for freedom. The main
For one thing, the division and strife among women that is exemplified very well in Buying Sex (i.e. the court case pitting women against other women) is further underscored by the article, which explains how women in different organizing and pertaining to different schools of thought disagree on the issue of female sex work. This division makes women more vulnerable to ‘divide and conquer’ tactics used to subjugate women and suppress their rights, ultimately making them more vulnerable to male dominance. This is also done in “Arguing against the industry of prostitution: Beyond the abolitionist versus sex worker binary,” by Finn Mackay. The Women’s Liberation Movement, for example, is an organizing within which there is disagreement between women on the issue of sex work. The criminalization of demand, also discussed in this article, is complimentary to the standpoint expressed by a sex worker in Buying Sex. She said “sex and money can’t be stopped” and “sex is a commodity.” Reducing the demand for sex is against human nature and a futile struggle. You can never stop the demand for sex, she argues. But Sweden attempting to outlaw the purchase of sexual acts in prostitution is explained by the article and portrayed as a fruitless act. It only criminalizes the men, not the women, as underscored by the
With the legalization, it grants them the freedom to practice a profession what they themselves think is best. “Our current laws define prostitutes as criminals, feminists label them victims”; though in reality, they are neither (Fletcher). Prostitution is not a forced profession. By remaining illegal, it forces the individual to go against what they believe as their immediate calling. Prostitution is just like any other profession. They work hard. They are no different than others in the common workforce. And still, they are pressured into shame when discussing their profession as a prostitute. Sex workers should have the ability to “enjoy the same labor rights as other workers and the same human rights as other people" (Lopes). When people grows to see the world, it should be their decision as to what they move forth in perusing. Whether it be doctor, lawyer, fast food restaurant worker, or even prostitute, if individuals at least make an attempt to find a source of employment, people should recognize their effort rather than criticize their differing opinion. Circumstances evolve, and despite them, often times people have exhausted every other option. In the words of a tormented first-hand participant, “we chose sex work after we did a lot of things we couldn 't stand. Sex work is better” for a number of reasons (Monet). “For me, sex work isn 't my first choice of paying work”, it just happens to be the best alternative situation available (Monet). It’s not
“Commercial sex is demeaning only when an intolerant and puritanical society defines it to be so, and makes it a crime…” writes Hugh Loebner in the “Magna Carta for Sex Work”. It seems as though all work is depicted as something that is gratifying. But, this is only the case when the person doing the work is working a respectable job, such as a job in the medicine or finance. These jobs require men and women to be dressed accordingly and to act accordingly to create a sense of professionalism when interacting with customers and or other colleagues. While the jobs in these advanced fields are essential to the progression of the United States, jobs in the sex industry are important as well, if not equally as important. Nevertheless, those working in the sex industry have been denied basic human and reproductive rights because they participate in a trade that is believed to be “immoral” or “impure”. These ideas of morality and purity are ones that have been shaped by oppressive principles such as sexism and misogyny and they pervade the minds of millions today. Because of this, prostitution and its legalization has become such a complex issue. But in reality, why is the issue so “complex”? The denial of human rights is inarguably unlawful and should be taken into consideration by not only those responsible for the law, but by every member of society. No humans’ rights should be violated due to occupation, trade, or calling, and this includes prostitution. Professors Paul R.
Radical feminists in support of the legalization argue that the prohibition of prostitution is discriminatory towards sex workers and that it should be “a choice” to use your body as a source of income. Ironically, according to a study in Toronto, Canada, 90% of sex workers stated that they want to leave prostitution but felt they couldn’t (White 2). With the majority of prostitutes saying they wish they weren’t involved in prostitution, it is unreasonable to say that it is a choice. In addition, Diana Post says, "...most women 'choose' prostitution for economic reasons. Surely no one can argue that this is free choice any more than the cattle in the squeeze chute choose to go to their death," (ProCon.org). There is a greater issue at hand if women feel that the only way to make money is to sell their body and it clearly cannot be solved by making prostitution legal. Not only are women “forced” to take part in prostitution, but the conditions in which sex workers are put into are criminal. In Nevada, where prostitution is legalized, women work 14-hour days, seven days a week, have little over their clients, and must give up to half of their earnings to the management. Additionally, because they are treated as independent contractors instead of legal employees, they do not receive insurance, pension, or retirement (White 4). Evidently, the legalization
This paper argues for the decriminalization plus regulation of the sex trade. This paper will defend the position that activities associated with adult prostitution (advertising, buying, soliciting, living off the avails and keeping a bawdy house) should be decriminalized/ legalized due to: a) the capacity for criminalization to infringe on sex worker’s fundamental rights to life, liberty, and security and b) the capacity for criminalization to prohibit sex worker’s from actively preventing harm to oneself. Philosophical support for this position will come from arguments rooted in human rights’ perspective, John Stuart Mill’s “harm principle” and arguments rooted in feminist theory. The harm principle contends “it is only justifiable to interfere with the autonomy or liberty of adults in order to prevent harm (physical harm & deprivation of rights and liberties) occurring to other persons”. Whereas feminist theory consists of a view rooted in gender equality rights and social justice. This paper will discuss and respond to criticisms and objections rooted in legal moralism, and welfare paternalism that support the criminalization of prostitution. Furthermore, this paper will draw upon arguments from Prostitution Reference, and Supreme Court of Canada’s Bedford Case; where judges and litigants interpreted criminalization of activities related prostitution within the context of (s.213) communication, (s. 210) keeping a bawdyhouse, and (s.212) living off the avails.
A common argument against prostitution is that the job is degrading and exploitative. However, there are many people who have degrading jobs, yet those are legal. For example, there are jobs that involve people stripping, cleaning houses, bathrooms, animal cages, etc., which I 'm sure is degrading. However, it’s legal! People sell themselves all the time as well: blacksmiths sell their skills, bodyguards sell their strength, models sell their looks, and writers sell their minds and ideas. Of course, these are not as “extreme” as prostitution is, but the same idea is still there. In this “free country”, people can have sex with whoever they want and it’s whatever, but just because some people put a price on it, it suddenly becomes a problem. Even in modern times if you, “mention prostitution to someone you will usually see them react with disgust, while any mention of legalizing prostitution is often met with laughter, incredulity, or shock” (Weitzer 3). We are in the 21st century, yet this idea is still being treated as if we were in 30 AD. Many of us are still stuck in our old ways, and look at what good that has done. A woman, man, transgender, whatever that person might be, should be allowed to do
When considering the issue of prostitution's morality, I would like to begin with a distinction between morality and legality. There are many instances in which the two concepts have existed independently of the other -- and whether the law should apply itself to moral issues is a subject beyond the scope of this essay. However, with regards to prostitution, it may very well turn out that prostitution could be immoral and yet legally tolerated, if not sanctioned. The contemporary liberal view, in the Millian tradition, is that such acts are essentially private contracts between consenting adults which is beyond the purview of legal enforcement because they(according to some) do no harm to other parties.