Feminism, the Public and the Private Essay

Louise Halfe’s “Body Politics” challenges the qualities and behaviour of the idealized feminine woman by contrasting the stereotypical “city woman” with a more masculine “real woman.” The poem’s speaker describes her mother’s opinion of what it means to be a real woman, which is seen through “Mama said.” Throughout the poem, the speaker uses vivid imagery to create a stark contrast between the idealized feminine “city woman” and a “real woman” who does not conform to the feminine gender norm. To begin with, the title of the poem itself can be viewed as an obvious critique of the feminine ideal. By definition a body politic is a group of people “considered as a collective unit” (Merriam-Webster). This is significant because in Butler’s theory, she emphasizes that a person’s gender can vary depending on a given situation, and therefore women cannot be grouped together and defined exclusively by their feminine qualities. Instead, she argues that women should be viewed as individuals capable of possessing both masculine and feminine behaviour. This belief relates directly to the poem’s title, as Halfe is clearly making a statement on the manner in which patriarchal societies expect women to conform to a singular feminine ideal. Moreover, it illustrates how women’s bodies become a political site for the masculinist culture to impose feminine gender on. With consideration to the title’s reference to a homogeneous group of women, it is interesting that stanzas two through four all

Secondly, feminism can be considered a single doctrine with regard to the core goal of redefining ‘the political’. Feminists argue that sexual inequality has been preserved because the sexual division of labour within society is thought of as ‘natural’ rather than ‘political’. The ‘public sphere’ of life, comprising for example politics, careers, art and literature, has traditionally been the preserve of men, whilst women have been confined to the ‘private sphere’, centred on the family and domestic responsibilities. Women are, in this effect, excluded from politics, and therefore the question of sexual equality is an issue of little, or no, political importance. Feminists are thus united in their desire to challenge the divide between what Elshtain described as the ‘public man’ and ‘private woman’.

Feminism is a female movement that has been around for a long time and it has evolved through many years. Many women call themselves feminists because women are not treated as equals to men and they would like to change that. Women were treated very unfairly, well up to the late 1900’s and they did not have many rights. Back in those days gender stereotypes were clear, the woman was there to be a housewife and the man made the money. Men also made the decisions in the family and the woman had to obey. I think feminists back then were right to want change, because they were not even close to be equal with men. White women did have it hard in those times, however they did not have it as hard as the black women. For example, “ Black women whose

The most recent and current third wave of feminism began in the mid-90’s and has destabilized many past constructs including “universal womanhood,” gender, body, hetreronormativity, and sexuality. A peculiar and important point of the latest wave that

Social standing, and moral values were vital elements in Victorian society, and the fundamental doctrine of establishing this ideology, began at home. The home provided a refuge from the rigour, uncertainty, anxiety, and potential violence of the outside world. (P, 341) A woman’s role was to provide a safe, stable, and well-organised environment for their husbands and families. However, change was on the horizon with an underlying movement of business and domestic changes both home and abroad, with industrialization, and the suffragist movement. Women were beginning to gain autonomy and began to grasp their opportunities, thus significantly curtailing male supremacy and the definable acceptable ‘role’ of the woman.

The physical body has been seen as many things both positive and negative. It can be thought of as the temple which houses the soul or can be seen as entrapping, like a cage of flesh. More often it seems that the body, especially women’s bodies, are looked at in more complicated ways than the bodies of men. As I grew up, it began to feel more and more like my body, and the bodies of other women, did not actually belong to us like we believed. Through my Women’s Studies class I have gained more knowledge on the body as a political object. In this essay I will examine six different articles with the similar theme of women’s bodies, the expression of those bodies and how by using feminism as a political standpoint they gain power and ownership of their bodies.

Have you ever wondered why women have the rights that they have today and not have to be the way women were supposed to be before? The beginning of all changes started in 1848 and lasted not just till 1920 but even until today. Many leaders such as Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Betty Friedan, Gloria Steimem and Sojourner Truth at the time were supported by both men and women to encourage women to conquer sexism and claim their rights. The whole purpose of the movement is to gain equality for all women. In 1972, Judy Brady wrote an essay “Why I Want a Wife” to reach out to all her readers that men want perfect wives to do everything for them. This essay by Judy Brady motivated the Women’s Rights Movement.

Governesses represented an unusual social class in Victorian culture. They were often women belonging to the middle class, however, they had a central role in the upbringing of upper class children and the construction of Victorian education and ideals. Despite their significance within the homes of wealthy families, many governesses were treated with suspicion and fear. This paper, however, seeks to analyze several notable governess representations as well as to understand how these various depictions (from homewrecker governess to asexual, unsexed governess) were employed to construct, conceal, and obscure the classed sexuality of the governesses. The governess in the painting “Looking for the Mail Packet”, Miss Prism in The Importance of Being Earnest, Mrs. Vesey in The Woman in White,—portray governesses as superfluous to the home and neglectful of their charges, lacking in sexual desirability, and utterly unsophisticated. Some governesses, including Miss Prism, are described as women who seek to destabilize the Victorian home à la prostitutes and other undesirable women. No matter the case, the governess as a Victorian figure was often not painted in a positive light in these texts. It is important to consider the implications such portrayals because they can illuminate for modern readers the ways in which the Victorian era policed and proscribed sexuality. The governess and her role matters because she represents the social policing of womanhood as well as the

Feminism and feminist social theory unlike other theoretical perspectives is woman-centered and inter-disciplinary, hence promotes methods of achieving social justice. The feminism and feminist social theory takes into consideration three questions, what of the women? Why is the present social world as it is today? Additionally, how can the social world be changed to make it more just for the women and all people alike? In recent developments, feminist theorists have begun questioning the differences between women. The areas under question include race, ethnicity, class, age intersect, and gender. In summation, the feminist theory involves the concern with giving women world over voice, and highlighting how they have contributed to the

In the Victorian era, the status of women in society was extremely oppressive and, by modern standards, atrocious. Women had few rights, in or outside of the home. Married women in this period relied on men almost completely as they had few rights or independence. With this mindset in focus,

In Feminist Theory: from margin to center, bell hook states on the first page what she believes to be the problem with feminism. In her opinion the biggest problem with feminism is that there is no real definition of what feminism is. The definition many people have formulated for feminism is having the goal of making woman socially equal to men. hook’s problem with this is the fact that all men are not socially equal. If women are to be the social equals to men then another question would be which men women will be socially equal to. While many white middle and upper class women accept this definition, the lower socioeconomic classes can not because it does not take race and its disadvantages

     In the aftermath of World War II, the lives of the women have changed dramatically. Women spoke their minds out and wanted to be heard. World War II brought them a new outlook on how they should live their lives. It encouraged women organize social movements such as boycotts and public marches pushing for their human rights and protect them against discrimination. Alongside, they formed their own organization representing them against the federal government like the NOW or National Organization for Women. Through the years, women have been struggling to fight for equal rights and unfortunately still exist even at the present in some areas. Yes, women’s status was not like what they used to back then, where their

This paper will be presenting a position paper focusing on the debate whether we are living in a post-feminist period in which gender is no longer a major barrier to equity. The paper will utilise feminism theory through use of article to create an argument to support this debate. It will also incorporate some compelling case justifying the researcher’s position.

"People who are liberal thinkers have been enslaved by these poseurs, these racketeers, people who are pretending to be liberal but who are in fact just naïve politically. I have been congratulated by women...who are so sick of being bullied by these sanctimonious puritans who call themselves feminists." --Camille Paglia

This classification is constructed by discourse with the objective of recreating hegemonic paradigms and perpetuating current power relations. Defining Women and Men as universal categories disguises the interests it serves. Therefore, anything that is defined as natural or universal should be studied critically. She writes, “Signification is not a founding act, but rather a regulated process of repetition that both conceals itself and enforces its rules precisely through the production of substantializing effects” (185). The assumption that there is a pre-discursive body with a pre-determined sexuality and gender sustains oppression against subjugated and marginalized subjects. Disconnected from the body, she suggests, gender can include more than two versions. The analysis of these concepts--or deconstruction-- provides tools to the socially oppressed to fight against the existent social