First And Chequered Public Life

The public spheres of British Victorian society was a markedly masculine jurisdiction, obviously lacking in a feminine presence. Traditionally the public spheres of the society were considered a man’s domain and women were sequestered into the home, women of the public were thus considered of ill repute. The modern stay at home woman was considered an extension of her husband’s wealth, and her being in the home that of how well off the man had become. The rise of the department stores lead to an increase of women into what was considered a masculine space and as transportation means became more readily available to them the roles of women within the public sphere also changed. These marked changes and shifts in gender role can be seen with the admit protest against their presence London’s West End, and the portrayal od exulted “angels” gracing the shops with their presence creating a “chaste” space. These and many other examples in Erika Diane Rappaport’s Shopping for Pleasure: Women in the Making of London’s West End illustrate how women entering the public sphere altered their gender roles with Victorian English Society.

“India has never been a symbol of unity of Hindu-Muslim civilization. It is not possible for the British Government to create homogeneity between Hindu and Muslim culture and civilization as the two systems are distinctively opposed to each other. There is no way other than the partition of India”

Source 15 is a statement made by Viceroy Linlithgow during discussions with Muhammad Ali Jinnah in August 1940, concerning arrangements for the wartime administration of India. In this source he is both for and

Hamid shows Changes perception of individuality. People like Changes suffered a lot in America and got interest to know native identity. Native culture and identity is awesome for every individual. Changes worries that even after all the sacrifices and services of Pakistanis has never treated Pakistan as ally or friend. There is probability that Americans might have encouraged Indians to envy with Pakistanis. Hamid painfully conveys that Americans never treat non- European Counties as their friends and they treat like tissue papers.

I believe that in history of the world, there has not been a more genuinely democratic struggle for freedom than ours… But it is my conviction that inasmuch as these struggles were fought with the weapon of violence they failed to realize the democratic ideal. In the democracy which I have envisaged, a democracy established by non-violence, there will be equal freedom for all. Everybody will be his own master. It is to join struggle for such democracy that I invite you today. Once you realize this you will forget the differences between the Hindus and Muslims, and think of yourselves as Indians only, engaged in the common struggle for independence.

Mr. Bhutto too left East Pakistan empty handed, but with a smile on the face, that at least he came out successful in depriving Bengalis their due. Little did he know, his cunningness in near future will tear apart his own country into two? But politicians are always politicians, to foresee the ramifications are miles away from them.

In recent history, South Asia has been a center for political and religious turmoil. South Asia’s identity is ever changing and explicitly diverse depending upon various factors, such as geographic location and political and religion ideologies. Inherently, the history of Partition and the rise of the Taliban can be attributed to the subcontinent’s diversity. The diverseness of South Asia has brought about a sense of nationalism for various ethnographic groups, which has transformed the subcontinent both positively and negatively. When exploring India/Pakistan Partition and the rise of the Taliban, the consequences has primarily been negative, especially for women who unequivocally suffered most during these times of political and cultural chaos. By analyzing the causes and consequences of Partition and rise of the Taliban in Afghanistan, South Asia’s destructive path is revealed.

Both Benazir Bhutto and Indira Gandhi had fathers who served as prime ministers of their respective nations and both of their fathers were incredibly popular during their tenure in office. Their popularity created a stable base of supporters for the Bhutto’s and Gandhi’s and the last names of Benazir and Indira undoubtedly carried much weight during their campaign for election due to the success of their respective paterfamilias. It is interesting to consider socio-economic context of the two nations and how this played a role in voters deciding who to cast their vote for. India and Pakistan share

In 1940 the all-Indian Muslim league declared its desire for a 'Pakistan' meaning 'land of the pure' under the confederation of an all Hindu state called 'Hindustan' or the 'land of the Hindus'. however a 'Pakistan' under the Indian rule seemed impossible, and

You‘re not fit for it.”(p.164). in her daring work Bhutto exposes the reality that how state & military’s “war on terror” and Sunni & Shia’s islamization lead nation towards extremism & fundamentalism. Military’s oppression & state’s exploitation lead the people of Mir Ali towards terrorism thus suggesting that state itself has created these fanatics/extremists. She argues that the injustice of state & military officials has set Pakistani nation against each other. “Most Pakistanis thought of Mir Ali with the same hostility they reserved for India or Bangladesh; insider-traitor…”(P.19) Bhutto through her novel shows how Pakistani are alienated from society “no one prays together, travels in pairs or eats out in groups.it is how they live now,

As Talal Asad has noted, “religion is by no means disappearing in the modern world,” and, “[i]f anything is agreed upon, it is that a straightforward narrative of progress from the religious to the secular is no longer acceptable.” (Asad: 2003: 1.) At the same time, and in relation particularly to the contemporary rise of Islam, “[t]he question of secularism has emerged as an object of academic argument and of practical dispute.” (Ibid.) The common view is that Islam and secular modernism constitute a duality, forever at odds, while others argue that the religious and the secular are a false duality and are indeed “mutually constitutive of each other.” (Agrama: 2). Viewed either way, the resurgence of Islam gives rise to important questions regarding its relationship to the secular modern state.

The communal tension in Punjab during the 1970s and 1980s stems from the alienation of Sikh youth that occurred during the ethos of the 20th century; moreover, the heightening estrangement the youth had experienced from society impelled them to disavow any shred of patriotism from their psyches and contriving an atmosphere conducive to radical behavior and opposition to the self-perceived notion of tyranny by the Indian Government; moreover, the Sikhs who had felt betrayed by the Indian government succumbed to their victim complex, perpetuating the cycle of rebellion and instilling vindictive behaviors in their children . Drawing the analogues between alienation and the Khalistan movement begs an analysis of the role that alienation plays

Vallabhai Patel is known as a very respectful man and an intellectual leader, hence is the reason we almost always see the word "Sardar" in front of his name which literally means leader in languages related to Hindi. However, not many of his achievements are widely known being that Patel was the type of man that focused more on working than making public appearances. Therefore, in this paper my argument is that many of Sardar Vallabhai Patel 's actions greatly motivated individuals to aid India to overcome some of its struggles during and after India 's independence; especially, by leading in protests such as the 1917 "No Tax campaign", his achievement of uniting over five hundred Princely States after India had won independence, and his

Since its birth, Pakistan has been home to various multi-ethnic societies and groups in all its provinces. The activities of these groups have had varying impact on the political history of Pakistan. This paper analyses the impact of the Sindhi ethnic society (also known as the "Jeeya Sindh movement") on the political history of Pakistan during the 1970s. I then provide a critique of the government's response to the demands of these movements and then suggest my opinion as to how the government should have reacted so as to have a better outcome.

The author of this book is Khaled Ahmed. Khaled Ahmed was in the Pakistan Foreign Service from 1969 to 1978. He left it to become a journalist of distinction in The Pakistan Times. He is a former consulting editor of Daily Times; resident editor of The Frontier Post; joint editor of The Nation and assistant editor of The Pakistan Times. He is a founder-member of Track-two Neemrana Dialogue between India and Pakistan. He is currently Director, South Asian Free Media Association (SAFMA), Lahore. He contributes regular