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First Past The Post Analysis

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After careful deliberation, I have solid basis to believe that it is necessary to begin the initials steps towards planning our position on electoral reform. In the recent 2015 election, Prime Minister, Justin Trudeau has vowed to bring change to our current First Past the Post formula, so there is no room for hesitation to justify our position on this matter. By taking into account of the history of our party’s own vote, the advantages and benefits that the First Past the Post electoral system would bring to our party evidently outbalance those of other formulas such as mixed-member proportional or preferential ballot systems. Before I delve further into reasons as to why we should oppose the reform and keep the present First Past the Post …show more content…

In a preferential ballot system, also known as instant run-off voting, voters have to rank candidates. If no one gets a majority in the first-rank ballots, then the candidates with the lowest votes will be dropped, while their votes are given to the second-choice candidates. According to the standard seat projection based on polling levels in 2014 by EKOS Research, candidates with the lowest votes are dropped off the virtual ballot and their votes are distributed to the second-choice polling (Grenier). In this setup, the Liberals would have 160 seats, while the NDP would acquire 95 seats, and our Conservative party would end up with 81 seats. Under this scenario, the Liberals are able to win about two-thirds of the seats in Ontario, when they could only secure less than half with the first past the post system and two-fifths with mixed member plurality …show more content…

Not only is this system simple to understand, it has a strong geographic representation, excludes extremist parties, and usually assures majority governments in parliamentary systems. For example, the first past the post system contributed to our party’s win in the 2001 federal election. We pulled a majority win in that election with only 39.62 percent of voters who voted for our Conservative party (Keller). This was made possible because the first past the post formula only takes into account the number of seats won when deciding who the winner is. Subsequently, in an extremely close race, if a party wins a riding by one percent, then that party will take the riding, with the runner-up party ending up with nothing—“winner take all”. This is the best arrangement for our party. Since the merger of Progressive Conservative party and Canadian Alliance that resulted in the formation of our party in 2003, our Conservative party has been the only party in Canada that leans towards the right of the three left and center-left parties (Keller). As a result, the alliance of the right and disintegration of the left result to a lot of narrow wins in ridings for our party. Since narrow wins counts for just as much as landslide wins, our party gets a considerable advantage from the first past the post

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