French Canadian Catholic Identity

Trudeau was strongly devoted to a strain of individualism based on the Catholic principle of personalism and was committed to human rights. He condemned the character of nationalism and argued in favour of federalism as the ultimate form of organization. The strength of Trudeau’s personality and his determination to transform Canada lead him to defend a ‘rational messianism” founded on the idea that Canada had the moral responsibility to defeat Quebec nationalism (Monsterrat, 36) .Many Anglophone Canadians greeted Trudeau’s proposals of a new pan-Canadian identity that would strengthen Canadian unity. Trudeau offered a new image of Canada at a time when British connection had weakened as a result of the disassembly of the British Empire.

The 1950s and 1960s were widely recognized as the second “Golden Age” after the 1920s. However, it is questioned whether it really was a period of growth and stability for all the citizens of Canada. Many French Canadians have brought up the question about if their rights and needs were properly recognized by Canada during this time period. The needs of French Canadians were met to an extent by Canada in the 1950s and 1960s because of the inclusion of their culture, the economic standing of French Canadians, and the unification of Canada as a country.

English and French Canadians have had one of the most complicated and intriguing relationships throughout all of history. Even though they share the prosperous country of Canada, they could not be more divided as a nation. Factors such as language, culture and political beliefs have separated these two vast majority of Canadians for a very long time. Throughout the last century, French-English relations have slightly improved over time, yet there is still an unstable peace between the two peoples. This will be clearly demonstrated throughout this essay, which will explore three critical time periods that changed French-English relations in Canada. Between the years 1914 and 1929, relations amongst the English and the French are shown to be very unstable and unpleasant, due to the events which occurred in that timeframe. Later on between the years 1930 and 1945, relations improved slightly because much was learned from the previous time period. In the years after, the unstable peace and division between French and English Canada, even to this day, was established.

In Canadian history, nationalism and sovereignty tend to be common themes prevalent since Confederation. A well-known example of this in Quebec was during the Quiet Revolution which strengthened the need for change through Premier Lesage’s reforms and in turn, developed a strong sense of nationalism in Quebec. In contrast to beliefs that the rapid modernization of the Quiet Revolution had a positive impact on Quebec, it rather had a negative impact on Quebec and its citizens and identity. The three consequences which arose in Quebec as a result of the revolution are the encouragement of separatism, the elimination of traditional values and roles and the establishment of powerful bureaucratic control. Quebec’s attempt to be more like the

Maurice “Rocket” Richard, a legendary hockey player of the mid-twentieth century for the Montreal Canadiens, is recognized for his profound dedication and impact for the game of hockey. His influence, nevertheless, extends beyond hockey, especially for French Canadians in Quebec. As French-English relations in the province and in the National Hockey League were strained during the 1950s and 1960s, French Canadians looked to Richard as a culturally significant figure. While Maurice Richard himself would say that he was simply a hockey player, his effect on French Canadians impacted politics and culture in Quebec. This essay will argue that Maurice Richard’s identity as a French Canadian was in constant struggle within the English

Due to the bitter rivalries of their mother countries, the two sides also had a strong feels of animosity against one another. This animosity was furthered when the French surrendered New France. This cession of French territory to the British occurred after the French and Indian Wars of the mid 18th century; specifically after the treaty of Paris in February 20th of 1763. The essential annexation brought about much anger within the French. This was illustrated during the highlights of the Patriote movement (the rebellions of 1837 and 1838) and the secession of New France to become British. These events, along with prior rivalry with Britain and its colonies brought forth a substantial amount of Francophone nationalism. Though the rebellion was also caused by famine and poverty on some level, it was the strong French nationalism was the spark that brought about Canada’s first “civil war.”

Conscription proved itself on angering many French Canadians. The October Crisis showed how French Canadians can fight back against Canada. The 1992 and 1995 Referendums demonstrated the actions that the French can take if they are ignored. Becoming aware of Canada’s actions can prevent straining French-English relations to the point where it cannot be

Jean Lesage was known to be the “father of the Quiet Revolution” by many for the multiple changes he was able to bring in the 1960s. The first change he brought to Quebec was subsiding the Catholic Church’s role to replace it with an increased

Jocelyn Letourneau’s is a history professor that wrote the essay “Reconstructing the Canadian Identity”. The author argues that if one compares the Harper government's idea of conservatism against Trudeau’s idea of multiculturalism, the reader can infer that multiculturalism is failing and Canada should go back to its monarch roots. By bringing back symbols of monarchy, a new Canadian perspective would form. Letourneau’s essay is structured in a very well and composed matter. His arguments and connections are structured in proper format where his whole essay can be linked and understood easily by the average individual. Although Letourneau’s essay is structured in a proper format, it is without its faults. The essay contains many fallacies that give his arguments a weak perspective on the topic. Also throughout his essay, the author appears to be taking a side within his argument. His bias viewpoint makes himself, and his work uncredible to the reader.

Nationalism is an important aspect of national pride and identity for countries around the world. For example, Canada takes pride in its cultural identity, one that is claimed to be different from other ‘Western’ more ‘industrialized’ nations, such as countries in Europe, and the United States. Even though Canada currently has a national identity that differs greatly from that of other more established countries, history has dictated the way in which a particular national identity exists today. In Canada, Samuel De Champlain and the French established colonies that created a cultural clash between the French Europeans, and First-Nations Canadians within the country. However, this notion of French Canadian Nationalism isn’t necessarily embraced by all of the Canadian Population. This paper seeks to analyze important pieces of Canadian History that have contributed to a broken concept of what constitutes Canadian nationalism, with an emphasis on how historic events prevent and affect coherent Canadian Nationalism in modern society. Through the analysis of the notions and histories associated with ‘First-Nations Nationalism’, ‘Quebecois Nationalism’, and a broader ‘Anti-American’ identity embraced by many Canadians, this paper seeks to locate common ground within the culturally diverse Canadian population in order to progress toward a singular coherent

The concept of recognizing Quebec as a distinct society is an idea that has been kicking around for some time, but just what does it mean and what are its broader implications? This paper will examine the origins of the term, what it means, and its historical context. It will then examine rival interpretations of federalism. The essay will conclude with an in-depth examination of the concept's involvement with the failed constitutional accords and the failed Quebec succession attempts.

When he had the time to refer to the French Canadian clergy, he says it's an honour and credit that if today Canada was part of the British Empire, it was due to the conservatism of the French Canadian clergy. Personally, I don't agree because he mentions the horrible thought of Canada being a part of the British Empire, which could have a negative impact on us. Mr Cartier was free of prejudice, but as expected, when he knew about that there was some hazard with the Federation system, French Canadians would have a lot of power, which makes him look bad because he has the power to talk about other people's power. Everyone agrees that the governmental powers had become too long. In Canada, we had five unalike communities with five separate colonies.

Finally in 1867, the United Canadas joined two other British Colonies, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick to form the Dominion of Canada (McRoberts 1991, 413). French-Canadians continued to fight against assimilation and received autonomous privileges with exclusive jurisdiction over matters regarding its cultural distinctiveness***. Thus, the Francophone language and culture has always been at the forefront of Quebec priorities. Since Confederation, Quebec nationalist have felt that the Francophone language and culture has been at risk of assimilation by the rest of Canada. As a result, Quebec nationalism is fundamentally rooted in the preservation of the Francophone language and culture (Guiberneau 2006, 52). Political leaders in Quebec continuously urge for the recognition that Canada is composed of two nations or cultures (McRoberts 1991, 413). Prior to confederation Quebec enjoyed numerous autonomous privileges. Unfortunately, post-confederation Quebec did not enjoy as many autonomous privileges because Canada was created as a relatively centralized federation (Beland and Lecours 2007, 406). A centralized federation not only took several of these autonomous powers away from Quebec, but it also threatened the Francophone language and culture (Beland and Lecours 2007, 406). With this said, Quebec nationalism has placed a great deal of pressure on the federal government to decentralize, giving more powers to provincial governments.

While the rest of Canada employs the concept of multiculturalism, Quebec emphasizes on another theory: interculturalism, or the notion of support in cross-cultural dialogue and challenging self-segregation tendencies within cultures. In the province, the word multiculturalism announces pejorative meanings. This was due, in part, to the fact that “a federal commission which was charged several years ago with the task of developing policies for Canada, based on its bicultural and bilingual character emerged with a recommendation that Canada think of itself as a multicultural and bilingual country.3”. Francophones, on the other hand, felt that this concept placed them at the same level as minority ethnic groups, thus erasing their thoughts of being seen as one of the country's founding nations.

The debate on banning religious symbols in Quebec, and Quebec wanting to be their own country has been an issue for quite some time. The province we formally known as Quebec established a shield against themselves to advocate that they would like things to go their own way. It is said that they would like to form a place where religion is neutral (Hughes, 2013). Time after time, we get new reports on Quebec being disturbed at the sight of all the different symbols in their province; they aren’t too fond of multiculturalism. We know all of Canada to be a place where everyone can be comfortable in their own skin. Our country is a place of diversity and has not changed until a province like Quebec wants to turn away from our multiculturalism and change the Charter of Rights to please themselves, but why?