Gaullism

Instead of revolutions, much of their reforms came from “above” – from the ruling class. They did not have a party system. The fellowship of being German was depicted in the photograph of Suddeutcher Verlag at the beginning of the World War I in Munich. Germans were very proud to belong to this nation. A particular class of the German people that strongly contributed to the Sonderweg theory were the “elites”. The control of the elites stood in the way of liberal democratization and a truly representative government. The elites included the Junkers, the large agrarian landowners who possessed much power and influence because of their wealth.

France had a general distrust of Germany. There was a great fear that if more serious measures to stop Germany were not made then the next generation would be seeking a war of revenge. The French public opinion earnestly desired a just peace, and would not take up arms again until compelled by a clear threat.3 This pacifism played an extremely important role in French policy. "Whether from ignorance or misunderstanding, many of the French people were apathetic, or just did not care enough to want action."4 The people were divided into two forces, the Left and Right, the Right favoring

     In France, the French were completely against factions. Robespierre thought factions are a threat to equality, and the ?common good?. He also thought that factions and everyone who had believed in factions were a threat to the Revolution. ?Hidden internal enemies, with the word liberty on their lips, stem the flow of life. Despite your benevolent laws,

In addition to the damaging consequences of the First World War with the requirements of the Treaty of Versailles, certain features of Germany caused the state to be susceptible to the influence of this dangerous ideology. Along with the damage to the national ego as a result of the First World War, Germany had co-existing and conflicting highly modern strands of development forced to integrate with powerful remnants of archaic values and social structures, and had a deeply fractured parliamentary political system, and the weaknesses of this system reflected the social and political differences within the population. This shame and failure after World War I was superimposed onto a modern country which once had an advanced economy, a sophisticated state

The Federalists were opposed to supporting the French, and this belief is backed up by the author’s rash description of the current state of France. France had an opportunity had freedom, but in the eyes of the author, they have squandered that chance. In the event of the violence spreading to the United States the author is optimistic that the people will band together in defense of the government, and all that the country stands for.

Their common political origins and disapproval to the Vietnam War played a fundamental role in creating dissent in the United States and Europe (Klimke, 186). Klimke says that because of West Germany’s status in the post-war world as first an occupied nation, and later as a chief Cold War battleground, America was a pivotal player in the culture and foreign policy of the Federal Republic (Klimke, 188-192). Efforts to reeducate Germans into becoming a more democratic nation, Cold War divisions, and what Klimke refers to as “a plethora of personal contacts and networks among Americans and West Germans [that developed in the post war years” intersected in America’s cultural policy towards West Germany (Klimke,

Nevertheless, for more than eighty years, the French imperialists, abusing the standard of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, have violated our Fatherland and oppressed our fellow citizens. They have acted contrary to the ideals of humanity and justice.

All of these factors made it very difficult for the German people to be trustworthy, faithful and supportive of the regime of the Weimar Constitution. This idea is re-affirmed through German historian Friedrich Meinecke saying that “true loyalty to the Fatherland requires disloyalty to the Republic”, leading to an opening for extremist parties as well as the Republic’s doom.

Two important cornerstones of a democracy are the ability for the people to elect representatives, and the willingness/power of these representative to make decisions in favour of their electorates. Although there is no general consensus on parliamentization in Wilhelmine Germany, many historians agree that Germans had a significant amount of experience with Democracy during this era. This paper examines the political culture of Wilhelmine Germany and the parliamentisation of the Reichstag in this period to assess the extent to which imperial Germany was ‘practicing democracy’.

In early September of 1945, Germany lay in total and utter ruins. In the years following World War Two, having been defeated, Germany was placed under allied occupation - divided into two main zones: West and East Germany. “West Germany was established on May 23, 1949, as one of two successor states—East Germany being the other.” ("Germany, West." Funk & Wagnalls New World Encyclopedia (2015): 1p. 1. Funk & Wagnalls New World Encyclopedia. Web. 6 Apr. 2016.) East Germany was ruled by the Soviet Union whilst West was under the rule of the Allied Powers. A chancellor by the name of Konrad Adenauer was put into power and it is said under his rule that Germany flourished. This research seeks to find out whether his role was important in the

As it began, our century drew to a close, with Germany once again the economic powerhouse and political hub of Europe. What is remarkable is how quickly this happened, how unbidden and unanticipated: the toppling of the Berlin Wall in November 1989; the reunification a year later; the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War in late December 1991; a resurgent impetus to West European integration in 1992; and NATO enlargement, which was consecrated in April 1999. Unquestionably, this chain of events has profoundly affected Germany’s situation over the past decades. For the first time since the establishment of the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) in 1949 and the painstaking process of

Purpose: The purpose is to learn more about Bismarck’s personal life and personality. Since Taylor had already written two previous books describing Bismarck’s foreign policy this biography helps to understand his policies better.

Since the unification of Germany in the late 19th century, attitudes of nationalism, Prussian militarism and expansionism saturated German society. As one can clearly see in the

In late 18th century, the French Revolution brought a wave of social, political, and economic chaos that lasted ten years. From the abolishment of regulations from the Old Regime to the dictatorship that Napoleon Bonaparte established, France underwent great changes. In 1799, Napoleon Bonaparte overthrew the French revolutionary government in a coup. Bonaparte had enrolled in the Military Academy of Brienne at age 10, and after moving back to France and adopting “Bonaparte” as a French version of his last name, quickly rose through the ranks in the French military (Lyons

The French may have been the first people to mold the future of American Foreign Policy with their alliance to the Colonies in opposition to England. The French met frequently with the Founding Fathers and provided vast amounts of knowledge on foreign affairs during the American Revolution. During this same period, there were many loyalists who had the view that we shouldn’t be at war and that the French should not have been on our soil. They believed that diplomacy and making compromise with England was the only way to keeping a civil society. These people had grown dependent on England and saw themselves as subjects of the crown, as opposed to free citizens. These men, being loyal to a direct government and following it blindly, may have been the first of what we now see as the political left. They valued diplomacy and loyalty towards those who command them. Saying that they were void of pure freedom and independent thought would be an understatement.