General Assembly V : Final Analysis

The UN and the US government are accredited for deploring conflict situations as well as contributing humanitarian aid, and this is what these two organizations did in Rwanda and Darfur. However, the UN did not do anything to punish or prevent the genocides that took place in these two countries. The US government promised to support the peace talk’s agreement in Darfur and hold the perpetrators accountable for their acts. It never kept that promise since nothing has been done. So far, the UN’s Security Council has also failed in its peace keeping mission effeorts, and is instead pressuring Sudan with words only. No solid steps have been made to bring the wrong doers into justice (Shapiro).

The final reason why the United Nations is to blame for Rwanda’s Genocide is because of the fact that they ignored evidence of planned genocide and abandoned Rwandans in need of protection. The United Nations failed trying. The independent report, commissioned by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan ( who was in charge at the time of the Rwandan Genocide), says the UN peacekeeping operation in Rwanda was hopeless from the start by an poor consent and destroyed by the Security Council's unwillingness to strengthen it once the slaughters, murders and rape began. UN officials, together with Annan and then-Secretary-General

In the Smith’s article they discuss the ramifications of United Nations intervention that can happen, though these consequences of action are not intended they can still happen such as by implementation of some new policies on human trafficking in developing countries the UN has cause the human trafficking to not stop but be moved to more dangerous, crisis areas. What the Smith’s suggest in their article is the when the United Nations are working on a solution for human trafficking in a developing country/area they should work on lower the possibility of unwanted effects of their solution and proceed with cautious when trying to make their solution a

In this essay, I shall be discussing whether the UN Security Council (hereafter referred to as the Security Council) is fit for purpose in the 21st Century. The approach I will be taking is more of a generic outlook; examining which fragments of the Security Council requires reformation.

The traditional establishment of the ad hoc tribunals formed as a permanent “Court of Arbitration”, this organ so formed was under the League of Nations which was later replaced by The International Court of Justice after the World War II [1].

The Human Rights Watch recommends that the UN should verify the profiles of peacekeepers prior to their deployment. They should be trained on the UN’s zero tolerance plan and ensure that MINUSCA’s Conduct and Discipline and OIOS teams (who are under-staffed), are receiving necessary resources in response to the issue of sexual violence.

The use of the veto in a mass atrocity situation is inconsistent with the aspirations of a 193-member General Assembly that no longer believes that sovereignty should constitute an unrestricted license to kill, nor accepts the right of the five victors from 1945 to maintain special privileges if these prove inimical to the protection of the most fundamental human rights.

Kathy Vandergrift writes about the implementation of the United Nation Security Council’s Resolution 1612. Her work consists of writing about the resolution and how the Resolution 1612 could function and prevent further abuses against children. She states that making the protection of civilians in conflict, particularly children, is a priority. Her work shows how the United Nations dealt with the problem. The United Nations made some progress, but there is still a need for changes. Vandergrift shows the accomplishments and failures of the Security Council. She also mentions some measures that have been used for the protection of children. Those measures include public awareness, diplomacy of children and the support of humanitarian organizations

The formation of the United Nations in 1945 was marked by an international outcry to ‘never again’ idly bear witness to the genocidal atrocities capable of man, as so harshly revealed in the nature of the Holocaust. In doing so, all member states actively sought to facilitate discussion in the United Nations as a world forum, in order to achieve both international and intra-national security. While the United Nations has achieved various successes in the international community, the international entity and its’ member states are subject to various legal and moral flaws, weakening response to conflicts in the contemporary era of international relations. These failures are exemplified tragically in the response to the Rwandan genocide in

The rise of treaties, protocols, commands, and case law assets to both the achievements and limits of an engaged international community. In Part II of this article, it outlines the global phenomenon of child soldiery. The problem torments boys and girls, but it is not appropriate to harm girls, who often stomach the additional indignity of sexual slavery and forced marriage to the leaders of the armed forces. (Part III) of this article examines the international legal framework recently drawn up to ban child soldiery. This part of the article included the First Additional Protocols to the Geneva Conventions and the Second Additional Protocols to the Geneva Conventions (AP1 and AP2), The 1989 Convention on the Rights of Children, the 1997 Cape Town Principles( the principle in which list social programs for child soldiers), the 1998 Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court( court law which criminalized the enrollment of children into the armed groups), and the 2002 Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of Children(OPCRC), protocol which encouraged violating states to crack down on the practice. (Part IV) investigates the contributions made by recent international criminal courts in the proscription process. Finally, (Part V) surveys the United Nations’ various attempts to solve dying problems for our children who went to war.

In the chapter, Smith examines four case studies in the early 1990's and 2000's (Kosovo, Haiti, Sierra Leone, Nepal). As a control, Smith uses Nepal as peacekeeping troops were not deployed. Through comparing and contrasting reports from Amnesty International (AI) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) before, during and after the deployment of UN peacekeeping troops, Smith is able to provide substantial evidence that suggests that UN peacekeeping missions increase human trafficking. Specifically, Smith focuses on the increased number of people within the region. As such the potential market increases. This is especially true when the UN may deploy tens of thousands of peacekeepers into a small region for an extended

Today I read “U.N. Condemns Sex Abuse by Peacekeepers in Africa” by Mary Bowerman and Oren Dorell. This article was published on January 13th, 2016 on USA Today. This article was about how U.N. peacekeepers are going to the Central African Republic and having sex with underage girls. Bowerman and Dorell go on to talk about how the sexual violence by peacekeepers is a violation of human rights and must be investigated. I chose to read and analyze this article because the title intrigued me. The words sex abuse and peacekeepers should mean completely opposite things. Sex abuse is a terrible crime and peacekeepers are supposed to be people that work to preserve the peace. This article shows that there are problems in Africa regarding the people

Any scholar interested in international governance has probably heard about the International Criminal Court (ICC). The ICC, based in The Hague, is an international court specialised in investigating and prosecuting actors that have committed “the gravest crimes of concern to the international community” such as genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. The ICC has 124 State Members, notably excluding the United States, Russia and China. Despite the ICC’s successful efforts in fighting impunity, the modus operandi of the Court is a true nightmare for anyone who cares about promoting efficient and coherent decision-making. A clear example of this, is the ICC’s yearly budget approval, which will be the main focus for this paper. As seen in Figure 1.0, the ICC’s Committee on Budget and Finance (CBF) designs a annual budget which then is passed to the Assembly of State Parties (ASP) for approval. It seems straightforward, but in the following paragraphs it will become clear that this sequence has alarming disadvantageous effects. The Court has created an astonishing complicated model which boosts the costs of carrying out any decision. In this paper, I will argue that the current decision-making mechanisms implemented in the ICC, have had serious adverse effects on the functioning of the Court as a whole. I will demonstrate, by applying the key notions presented in Shepsle’s and Munger

The purpose of this paper is to examine the six chapters assigned for this week. First, in Weiss et al.’s first chapter entitled The Theory of UN Collective Security, the authors elaborate on the foundation and purpose of the United Nations serves on a global scale by means of collectivity. Second, chapter four entitled Evolving Security Operations: Kosovo, East Timor, Sierra Leone, Lebanon, Sudan, Cote d’Ivoire, Libya, and Syria, provides specific examples of relations between the United Nations and individual nation-states, the progress the UN has made in developing countries, and how the resistance the UN faces affect the organization as well as the population they serve. Third, chapter ten of Weiss et al.’s book, Sustainable Development as Process: UN Organizations and Norms focuses on the humanitarian efforts of the UN, especially in the focus of establishing self-sufficiency in developing countries. Then the three chapters in Pease’s book, Security, The Environment, and Human Rights and Humanitarian Issues, focus on three key issues facing the international organizations today.

The conference is similar to all UN processes and is expected that the identified themes are going to be extensively debated so as to capture a measure which that will satisfy a range of often contradictory and