Global Economic Expansion Of Indonesia

The indigenous groups of Indonesia went to brutal extents in attempts to successfully fight for rights and recognition from results of Dutch colonisation. The Dutch colonised Indonesia in 1677, completely taking over the government. Significant figures involved; the different islands of Indonesia, the Dutch East India Company, and the battles Indonesia went to in order to gain back their independence. Long term impacts of the Dutch colonisation upon Indonesia improved and modernised the lives of Indonesian people but as a result of traumatic and gruesome mistreatment of the indigenous culture.

The bilateral relationship between Australia and Indonesia has a long but fluctuating history as ‘strange neighbours’, based on a traditional stance from Australian parties of Indonesia as the weaker state (Robert and Hadir 2015: 195). The discourse on Australia’s role in East Timor, particularly the intervention as the head of the UN sanctioned INTERFET team, has been praised or criticized depending on the narrative constructed of the events (Maley 2000: 151). Australia’s role in the East Timor crisis began through complicity in its causes, followed by a change in foreign policy which caused a deterioration of the Indonesia-Australia relationship at a time when Indonesia’s new democratic governance should have deepened relations (Sulistiyanto 2010: 125). While Australia and Indonesia have been steadily rebuilding their relationship, especially in regard to security, the

Another major aspect this limb deals with is that of Australia’s relationship with the United Nations and other major international organisations .

Indonesia is located in Southeast Asia. The national capital of the country is Jakarta. Indonesia is an archipelago consists of more than 13000 islands. Indonesia is the fourth most populous country of the world. The population of Indonesia is around 250 million (Paauw, 2009). Indonesia got freedom on 27th December, 1949. Indonesian is the official national language of Indonesia. It is also known as Bahasa Indonesia. In this essay the author will see the emergence of Indonesian language as the language of national identity after 1940s. The author will also write about the impact of colonialism and nationalism on the growth of Indonesian language as national language

Australia and Indonesia increased their joint military exercises to ten in 1998-1999, beofre they were cancelled following the East Timor crisis (Singh 2002: 126). Also, clearly linked to the crisis, was the 16th September 1999 abrogation by the Indonesian government of the AMS (Commonwealth of Australia 2000: 195). The October 2002 terrorist bombing attack in Bali, killing 202 people including 88 Australians was a turning point. Based on pragmatism and shared interest in combatting terrorism the relationship reemerged when the Australian Federal Police and the Indonesian authorities cooperated in investigation the incident (Day 2015: 676) Building close security relations became a priority in light of the new terrorism threat, creating the successful ‘Bali Process’ (Day 2015: 676). 2013 finally saw the return of military engagement to pre-East Timor crisis heights (Robert and Hadir 2015: 198).

Due to the isolation of Australia geographically, surrounding countries and their economies are extremely important to Australia for instances such as trade, influence and partnerships. Indonesia is one of Australia’s closest neighbours and hence there would be some obvious similarities as well as differences due to the economic status of the country’s stage of development and the role of the Government.

Australia is nation with strong relationship with America since the end of cold war. However Australia and Asia share a close and complementary economic relationship. International security is currently one of Australia’s problems the government is dealing with. Under the foreign policy Australia became a member of the US- led coalition in Islamic State/Daesh in Iraq and Syria . Since the early century Australia has always play it part in the international community when it needed. Looking at 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United State, this situation was seen as a major threat to international peace and security . Since Australia is allied with the United State and

Australian-Indonesian relations are the foreign relations between the two countries, whether economically, politically, legally or socially. Australian-Indonesian relations involve an interaction in foreign policies between the two nations (Wolfsohn, 1951, p. 68). As long as Indonesia is Australia 's closest and largest neighbor, they are bound to have great international relations. These relations began as early as the 17th century and had only become enhanced with time (Daly, 2003, p. 397). The relationship has been defined by a conjoint growth trade of up to $14 between the years 2011-2012 which reports an increase from the previous economic year (Mark, 2012, p.402). These countries are members of various trade deals such as the ASEAN Regional Forum in addition to having close ties with education, defense, and leadership. Australia 's relationship with Indonesia is crucial, and lack of such could severely bruise the economy, and hence they need to keep united by ensuring the use of widespread media with beneficial input. Australia interacts with Indonesia in a way such as sporting activity, tourism, education, economic policies, youth exchange programs, cultures and above all their diplomacy (Okamoto, 2010, p.241).

After Suharto ended his long dictatorial reign in 1998 there was a substantial increase in religious and ethnic conflict in Indonesia. Author Jacques Bertrand claims religious and ethnic conflict defined Indonesia’s national model. This resulted in three critical junctures during Suharto’s retirement of his sovereign rule. The three critical junctures defined Indonesia’s “terms of citizenship, and give meaning to the structure and procedures of an institution” (Bertrand, 20). When Suharto left as dictator, major political and social changes consumed Indonesia, which threatened the Indonesian realm. The people of Indonesia struggled to define their sense of nationalism.

“In 1998 20% of the Indonesian population were below the poverty line. In 1999, 28% of the population was below the poverty line. Then in 2000, 22% of the population was below the poverty line” (Rukmana).

Since 1965, the president of Indonesia continued to provide continuity and stability. However, in order to define an effective and complex growth plan, a company wishing to be successful needed the president’s support to succeed in the plan.

The Indonesian economic crises that emerged out of the greater Asian Financial Crises of 1997 is often presented as an example of an International Monetary Fund (IMF) project that created problems for the receiving nation. As the video Globalization at a Crossroads stated in its final words, “It supported the case that economic globalization actually increased economic instability.” Indeed, there were immediate, and in some cases, irreversible consequences of the IMF’s intervention into Indonesia’s economy. Examples of negative consequences included riots, massive inflation and contraction in the economy (Shari, 1998). However, through the lens of the current Indonesian economy, almost 20 years later, IMF intervention may have eventually worked as intended, as the country has demonstrated economic stability and growth through several more contemporary economic crises.

This essay discuses the relevance of culture for understanding globalization and cultural change taking place in Indonesia. The issue of globalization and cultural change has recently figured prominently in various discourses in Indonesia, especially in relation to the question of how Indonesia’s cultural identities should be maintained in the face of such a global process.

I argue that the state is a relatively weak player in delivering public policy in contemporary governance. I make this argument with reference to a program implement after the 1997 economic crisis in Indonesia. Djiwandono (2006) concludes that the economic crisis in 1997 was caused by the combination of weak domestic economic and inefficiencies financial structures and “contagion” forces from external. Specifically, the combination of external shock starting in Thailand in 1997 and the weak Indonesia banking system soon resulted a systemic banking crisis (Omori, 2014). Data shows that Rupiah depreciated 80% in just less than 12 months, economic growth slumped from 7-8% annually to negative growth of approximately 14%, inflation hiked from single digits to 80%, reversed capital flowed by $22 billion, unemployment rose by 5 million and poor people doubled from 12% to close to 25% (Djiwandono, 2006). On January 15, 1998 Indonesian government launched a program known as an “Economic Recovery and Reform Program” or “IMF-Plus Reforms Program”. This was a broad program which consisted of some specific programs such as currency stabilization (Rupiah in term of Dollar), hyperinflation prevention, banking restructuring, structural reformation, private foreign debt settlement and assistance programs for the poor (Ministry of Finance Republic of Indonesia, 2013). The aim of the program is to seize the decline of Rupiah, to restore market lost confidence in government, to deal with

The outcomes of the past elections in Indonesia clearly show how promiscuous power sharing has led to the current challenges to Indonesia’s democratization. The election outcomes of 2004, 2009, and 2014 have proved that party cartelization among the political parties has continued to predominate in Indonesian politics. The 2004 elections marked the beginning of direct presidential and parliamentary elections. Yudhoyono was able to win the 2004 presidency due to PDI-P’s plummeting vote share and voter dealignment as all five major parties vote share have dramatically shrunk compared to the 1999 election (Slater 85). The dramatic decrease of vote share and serious voter dealignment issue were due to party cartelization of major parties followed by severe political corruption among the political elites in the PDI-P-Golkar coalition. This helped Yudhoyono and his party, PD, to gain popularity from the voters and win seats in the DPR. The PD under the leadership of Yudhoyono was able to defeat PDI-P’s Megawati in a landslide victory (“Unbuilding Blocs” 311). After Yudhoyono won his presidency, promiscuous power sharing continued as he launched his United Indonesia Cabinet (Honna 479), which included almost all major parties including PKS that promoted anti-corruption ideals by criticizing Megawati’s all encompassing coalition during her presidency (“Unbuilding Blocs” 311). This coalition disappointed PD leadership as Yudhoyono gave only one ministerial position to the party when