Ha Hsu Thesis Statement

Whereas Frederick Douglass may have seemed like a minority in opposition to institutional racism at his time, there was much criticism against institutional racism during the Civil Rights Movement. James Baldwin, in a statement that echoes Frederick Douglass’s speech, states “[a black person] pledges allegiance to that flag which guarantees ‘liberty and justice for all…’ but on the other hand he is also assured by his country…that he has never contributed anything to civilization.” Baldwin believed that the American Dream is a beautiful lie because there was not truly “liberty and justice for all.” Conflicting messages seep into a black person’s everyday life—that he or she is a free citizen with no freedom, or that he or she is living in the land of liberty without actually living in liberty. Baldwin also states that “it isn’t long—in fact it begins when [a black child] is in school—before [a black person] discovers the shape of his oppression.” Baldwin openly criticizes the spread of the detrimental and conflicting messages in America’s educational institutions, which are supposed to guide innocent children to success in life, and not to look down upon them. Baldwin’s pleas are echoed in Robert F. Kennedy’s speech, who stated “[institutional racism] is the breaking of a man’s spirit by denying him the

The book has as its principal thesis the consideration of race as “a folk classification, a product of popular beliefs about human differences that evolved from 16th to 19th centuries” (Smedley, 2007, pag.24). The book also specifies three characteristics that distinguish the racial ideology in America: the absence of a category for biracial people, the homogenization of the black or African American Americans, and the impossibility to change a person’s race. (Smedley, 2007, pag.7)

In Joel Spring’s, “Deculturalization and Struggle for Equality”, he argues that during the construction of the new world (contemporary United States) nonwhite racial groups were created by elitist in order to have them deculturalized and maintain a system of racial superiority. Native Americans, Puerto Ricans, Mexicans, Blacks and Asians were each subject to systematic oppression in regards to racial formation, deculturalization, segregation and nation building. These dominated groups share the struggle of equality in this nation where “All men are equal” brought upon them by educational policies contrary to their socioeconomic interest and appealing to Euro-Americans.

Throughout American history, relationships between racial and ethnic groups have been marked by antagonism, inequality, and violence. In today’s complex and fast-paced society, historians, social theorists and anthropologists have been known to devote significant amounts of time examining and interrogating not only the interior climate of the institutions that shape human behavior and personalities, but also relations between race and culture. It is difficult to tolerate the notion; America has won its victory over racism. Even though many maintain America is a “color blind nation,” racism and racial conflict remain to be prevalent in the social fabric of American institutions. As a result, one may question if issues and challenges

He insists on thrift and self-respect, but at the same time counsels a silent submission to civic inferiority such as is bound to sap the manhood of any race in the long run. He advocates common-school and industrial training, and depreciates institutions of higher learning; but neither the Negro common-schools, nor Tuskegee itself, could remain open a day were it not for teachers trained in Negro colleges, or trained by their graduates” (Du Bois, 1903). However, to Du Bois, Washington seemed like a complete push over to white rule. As Du Bois states in The Souls of Black Folk, “We have no right to sit silently by while the inevitable seeds are sown for a harvest of disaster to our children, black and white.” Washington believes it was the black mans “duty” to judge the South “discriminately” but they should not “hate or blame” the present generation for things that happened in the past. I stand with Du Bois in that, first, it is the duty of Mr. Washington to speak out about some “horrifying acts” that happened. Which Washington did speak out against some of these acts, like lynching and the violent abuse of African Americans. However, Du Bois also criticizes Washington on his propaganda, which I also dissent because he pushed that the south is “justified” in its attitude toward the negro because

Think about how often people get arrested and how often trials are held every year, let alone every day. Oftentimes, innocent people are accused and charged for a crime that wasn’t their fault. This was the case for Adnan Syed, an innocent guy who was put in jail for a murder case. On January 13, 1999, Hae Min Lee was murdered at the age of 17. The evidence in this case was very unexplainable, but of course, the state went after Hae’s ex-boyfriend Adnan who really had nothing to do with the murder. Things that prove Adnan’s innocence are the breakup between him and Hae, how Adnan thought about and his feelings towards Hae, how the times and stories told with others didn’t suit well, and his alibi. Additionally, his DNA didn’t match with items

Matthew Frye Jacobson’s Whiteness of a Different Color offers innovative insight into the concept of “race” and the evolution of “whiteness” throughout American history. Jacobson focuses his analysis on the instability of racial identification over time and how race has been created and perceived throughout different stages of history. He states in his introduction that “one of the tasks before the historian is to discover which racial categories are useful to whom at a given moment, and why” (p.9) and while he is successful in some respects, his analysis is somewhat incomplete in providing a full scope of the power relations that created, altered and maintained racial identities in the United States. While Jacobson offers a detailed

Traditional historiographies of whiteness in the United States emphasize the critical examination and reorganization of the persistent racial discrimination constructed from the problem of white identity. Lipsitz investigates the racialized structure of contemporary America and unveils

He states that online social marketing networks have provided the media for exposure to a global audience and has bred an unprecedented cultural confidence in its black originators. No longer do people of color have to strive to be identified as white to afford the opportunities that were associated with being white (e.g., better paying jobs, education, homeownership, etc.) to change their socio-economic status in life. White is no longer a threat or an ideal. The rise to mega wealth by people of color or ethnicity through sports and music has enabled them to move into social circles previously occupied by only the privileged upper white class. Minorities and immigrants no longer care about assimilating white American culture and behavior but are remaking culture in the image of white America’s multiethnic, multicolored heirs. Again, Hsu identifies this as a shift of white power and incorporates alarmist statements into his article such as warning that “colored migration is a universal peril, menacing every part of the white world.” He uses the election of Barack Obama as an example of the gradual erosion of “whiteness” in America and refers to whiteness as the touchstone of what it means to be an American.

The term “white messiah” is crucial to understand, to realize why racism is still prevalent in the American culture. In a New York Times article written by David Brooks titled “The Messiah Complex,” Brooks discusses the typical progression of the “white messiah” while comparing it to “Avatar.” The “white messiah” story begins with

As a result, another term must be used to refer to the power and domination that white people have over minorities; therefore, in this paper I will use the term "white supremacy" as opposed to "racism." In the Constitution, in slavery, and even in our cities today, white supremacy has been prevalent throughout our history. White supremacy and black inferiority are the two main problems that our cites face today; once white supremacy and black inferiority are ended in our country, then the majority of the problems in our cities will cease to exist.

Throughout the history of the country, America has been considered a fairly racist union. From the workplaces to the society, as an Asian, I felt there's a strong barrier between white and black people, although I felt a little bit of racial among us. In this essay, I will talk about the major racial issue of this country through out my experiences.

Whiteness is an integrative ideology that has transpired in North America throughout the late 20th century to contemporary society. It is a social construction that sustains itself as a dogma to social class and vindicates discrimination against non-whites. The power of whiteness is illustrated in social, cultural and political practices. These measures are recognized as the intent standard in which other cultures are persuaded to live by. Bell hooks discusses the evolution of whiteness in an innovative article in which she theorizes this conviction as normative, a structural advantage, an inclusive standpoint, and an unmarked name by those who are manipulating this interdisciplinary. Most intellects, including hooks, would argue that whiteness is a continuation of history; a dominant cultural location that has been unconsciously disclosing its normativity of cultural practice, advocating fear, destruction, and terror for those who are being affected by this designation.

In the early years of the United States, dominant-minority relations were shaped by the agrarian technology and the economic need to control land and labor. The agrarian era ended in the 1800s, and the U.S. has gone through two major transformations in subsistence technology since, each of which has transformed dominant-minority relations and required the creation of new structures and processes to maintain racial stratification and white privilege (Healey, p. 131). The early 1800s to the mid-1900s was the industrial revolution, where machines replaced animal and human labor. Today’s society is known as the postindustrial or deindustrialized society which

First is the belief that race is central, not peripheral, to American thought and life. Second is the notion that racism is common and ordinary rather than rare and episodic, so that a great deal of Americans’ social life is affected by it. A third strand is material determinism, or interest convergence—the idea that racial relations maintain a white-over-black/brown hierarchy that provides benefits and profits to elite groups in the majority race and are for that reason difficult to reform. A fourth feature is the social construction thesis, according to which races are products of social thought and invention, not objective or biologically real (Critical Race Theory: The Cutting Edge, 2011, p. 1).