Han-Chinese Violence

Therefore, when Chinese nationalists immigrate to America, they’ll eventually realize that the law is different from their home country’s law, in which can cause them to make mistakes and suffer consequences without knowing. Hence, it’s important to study them so you

The cultural revolution is a strange period in Chinese history laced with intense struggle and anguish. The cultural revolution mobilized the all of society to compete for all opposing factions that they belonged to (Ong, 2016). Mao mobilized the young people of society during a background of political turmoil, which helped Mao to mobilize the students in order to enforce his political legitimacy and ideas (Ong, 2016). Mao’s charismatic authority created his personality cult and most defiantly leant a helping hand in mobilizing the red guard movement (Ong, 2016) (Weber, 1946) (Andreas, 2007). No matter which faction of the red guard they belonged to, they all mobilized against their common enemy; the better off, upper class. (Ong, 2016). Multiple ideologies within the youth led red guard movement explain why the movement gained momentum and became incredibly powerful (Walder, 2009).

When the Chinese and Europeans first came into contact with each other, there was a mutual fascination for the other's culture, or way of life. The Chinese began to look at the European culture. They became interested in Western thinking. They were also beginning to look at the religion that the European missionaries were preaching about, Christianity. On the other end, the Europeans who came in contact with the Chinese were fascinated by their culture and their philosophy, mainly the philosophy of Confucius. While the two cultures seemed to be a good match, each respecting and admiring the other, it came to an abrupt halt. The end result was China and Europe both rejecting the other culture.

Bob Fu conveys clearly the inexorable control that Communist leaders in China have over their people. For example, after Fu and his friends participated in the Tiananmen Square protests, Fu was coerced, day in day out, to write a confession of his purported misdeeds against China and her people as a “counterrevolutionary” (79-82, 85, 87).

Originally, Liang’s “parents were deeply involved in all the excitement of working to transform China into a great Socialist country” (4). Over a serious of unfortunate events, though, he became the child of a “Rightist’s cap” mother and a “Reactionary Capitalist stinking intellectuals” father (9, 51). Impacted by the shattering of his family and horrific bloodshed created by fighting, Liang Heng began to question the Cultural Revolution. He claimed that his “family had scarified so much… but it had given [them] nothing in return” (148). Liang Heng presents his shift in ideology to demonstrate that most Chinese were no longer in support of a Communist nation. His “troubles were common enough and anyone could see there was a discrepancy between the glorious words of the newspapers and [their] painful reality (232). Even Liang Heng’s father, after many years of devotion, found that he could no longer defend the Party’s policies after he experienced the ill-treatment of the peasants in the country

China has been a communist country. Despite persistent debate over an extended period of time, the question whether which Chinese government is the most responsive to its people has never been permanently settled. However, I dare to claim that Qing Dynasty was the most open and receptive to its people among several Chinese governments. Some people might contend that Republic of China, Warlords, and Chinese Communist Party were the most responsive to its people. However, a close examination throughout this essay will clearly reveal the fallacious nature of their argument. My line of reasoning will derive its support from the most fundamental sources of human wisdom and history.

The Canadian government perpetuated the stereotype and racism that all Chinese were used to; by removing their right to vote, even as full citizens they were unable to elect a political party that embodied their goals. Also in an attempt to strengthen the racist views the Canadian government segregated Oriental school children from Canadian school children, by only allowing those born in Canada to attend public school. This act of segregation draws a parallel to black segregation and truly shows how significant this hate had become. This hate destroyed many lives and set the acceptance of the Chinese heritage and culture back by decades; which later became important when we wished to create an alliance with China. In 1907 these racist views erupted into full-scale destruction as over 7000 Canadians pillaged “Chinatown”; breaking all the store windows while mass looting occurred. Even after this horrendous rampage the government continued its views of the Chinese and passed into legislation a Chinese Immigration Act in 1923. This act prevented all Chinese from entering the country, including those with family already within Canada. This act is shown to be significant to both Canadian and Chinese history as it demonstrates that Canada wished to thin their population of Chinese citizens. It also shows that many, if not all, of Canada and its citizens, shared these racist views. Overall these racist views continued on throughout the first half of the twentieth

“America the land of opportunity, to all” has always been a driving force for many people from poor, undeveloped societies far away from America. This simple saying has brought over millions and millions of people from they’re native countries, leaving behind families and friends. Some never to return. Once in America, reality sets in for most of these groups as that suffer thought unequal treatment, racism and discrimination. One such group involved similar treatments were the Chinese- Americans, in the documentary “Becoming American- the Chinese Experience” we are given a first hand looks and descriptions of the hate that Chinese- American suffered in America. This paper will discuss these events including the documentary and class notes, further it will also describe the difference treatment that Chinese- American face in present day compared to the past.

Their system of filtering and censorship is acknowledged as the most advanced and effective in the world. The Chinese internet system includes about thirty-thousand censors, as well as having web browsers, such as Google and Yahoo, censor their results.10 For an average citizen to publish their opinions without either an elite free speech patron or a willing government publishing house, the safest method is to publicize their thoughts through an internet bulletin board system run by the Chinese government.11 However, these electronic bulletin boards are required by the law to be licensed, the posts monitored constantly, and any posts which are found to be “inappropriate” are removed. Any forums that are free from government censorship are forbidden, since the Chinese authorities refuse to recognize the rights of the citizens to publish their uncensored opinions. Furthermore, if debates over political or other issues begin to take a life of their own, they are commonly silenced by Chinese authorities.12 The Chinese authorities only permit these monitored bulletin boards both for their own benefit and because they recognize that there must be outlets for the average person to express their dissatisfaction with the government.13 Allowing the citizens to speak their mind functions to lessen the political tension, by acting as a release for their discontentment. These boards also serve as an excuse to deflect criticism by other countries, who complain that people in China do not enjoy freedom of expression. Additionally, they allow government authorities to monitor the mood of their people and to find weaknesses, both in the government and in their support. Finally, the bulletin boards allow government authorities to track those who express discontent, keeping their expressions visible, so the authorities can trace these

This memoir of Ma Bo’s sent shock waves throughout China when it was published and was even first banned by the Communist Government. This passionate story paints a clear picture for what the Great Chinese Cultural Revolution was really like. Many Chinese living today can attest to similar if not identical ordeals as expressed in Ma Bo’s story. The toils of being a young Red Guard in inner China were experienced by many if not millions. The horrors and atrocities were wide spread throughout the country, not just in Inner Mongolia. The experiences illustrated in Blood Red Sunset uniquely belong to Ma Bo’s entire generation of mislead Chinese. As expressed in the books dedication the Cultural Revolution

The thesis of the editorial is chinese security agents tried to stop a 25 year old torontonian from advocating for freedom of religion and expression. Another quotation used,”Silence will not protect my father… I know he is safer in the light of international attention than in the shadows sought by the authoritarians.”

A more recent example of bias is toward China. Johnston recalls the 1998 Tiananmen Square massacre of Chinese student’s pro-Democracy rallies. The prevailing mind-set was, according to Johnston, “any right minded person in China would support democracy” (Johnston 2005, 76). The prevailing assumption was Chinese elites would negotiate with the protesters, rather than risk any unwarranted violent military action that risked international backlash. However, Johnston notes, “I was wrong” (Johnston 2005, 77).

No one can deny from recent news that there has been a strong surge of Chinese nationalism, and that this nationalism has turned heads in the international community. The nationalism that the CCP has affected is taking on a life of its own. In its strategy of pragmatic nationalism, the CCP tried to blur the lines between love of country with love of the state and governing body. What has resulted is a whole new breed of nationalism that is very much independent of the Chinese Communist Party and in fact has caused the CCP great concern. This new form of nationalism is much more vibrant, passionate, virulent and uncontrollable than the government had intended with its post 1989 strategy of obtaining legitimacy through nationalism. This

Nationalism has become a major part of the Chinese Communist Party’s agenda to success and continued rule as it struggles to keep its legitimacy in China. Nationalism to an extent also shapes China’s international relations. This essay will first define what nationalism means for China by providing some background information to explain its rise, as well as the role that the ‘national humiliation’ narrative plays in it. It will also discuss the role of the patriotic education system and differentiate between state and popular

For section two of the book, the author purposely dedicated chapter 5 to “U.S-China Misunderstandings”. The author breaks the chapters up into different questions from the general view point Americans get wrong about China to more in-depth issues such as ethnicity, religion, and governing system. It is clear that the focus of the chapter is about the misunderstandings that some Americans may have of China, thus it could be difficult for some non-American readers to relate to this specific chapter.