Homogenous District

Throughout the world there are many diverse political cultures. A political culture is the attitudes, beliefs or practices among a group of likeminded individuals. (Giardino pg. 27) There are different categories that embrace a political culture like an Individualistic, traditionalistic and moralistic. An individualistic culture is one that prefers less government involvement. The traditionalists’ culture maintains government as the social and economic hierarchy and does not like change. The moralistic culture favors public good and it revolves around social issues. In shaping a political culture demographics such as population size, growth, distribution and diversity are essential to determine how a state is in any of the three categories. Society is strongly affected by decisions of who, what and when does an individual receive any types of goods or services. Government is the structure, buildings and institutions that are held within politics.

“All politics is local”, the famous statement from Tip O’Neil, describes the theory that while people may support or reject an issue nationally, their opinion may change if the decision impacts them locally. Two examples of this from Hardball were when Al Ullman lost his reelection to Senate because he “did not visit home enough” and when Lawton Chiles from Florida received many local votes all because he didn’t wear a classic suit and tie to Washington D.C. A modern example of “all politics is local” is occurring in Oxford right now. On a national level, many people from Oxford may support the construction of more low-income housing. However, now that it is being built in our local area, some people may be changing their opinion because it could bring unwanted attention to a small and quiet town and the noise and disturbance level from the construction site may be inconveniencing. At this point, because it is affecting the voter locally, it is more than likely that they will vote against

Forgette Richard, Garner Andrew, and Winkle John. “Do redistricting principles and practices affect US state legislative electoral competition? State Politics and policy quarterly, 20(9) (2009): 151 175.

Politics in the United States is a complex structure that is comprised of many systems. While most of these systems appear to work well, there are a few that are broken. A perfect example of a broken system is the district boundaries and the likelihood of gerrymandering. Multiple states across the country are subjected to gerrymandering, which is the act of dividing a county into election districts that provide one political party with an unfair advantage over the other. Gerrymandering is used to help or prevent a particular demographic from gaining adequate representation. In Florida, for example, there is controversy over Congressional District 5, which extends from Jacksonville down to Orlando in a way that creates a “minority-majority” district.

Washington Heights is a unique and ever changing neighborhood at the mezzo-level, but affects the macro and micro. It located in upper Manhattan that is north of Harlem and south of Inwood. Begins on 115th street, it is typically thought to end around Hillside Avenue. This neighborhood has the Hudson River on the west and the Harlem River to the east. New York City’s Community Planning has designated Washington Heights and Inwood as Manhattan Community District 12. These two communities are similar in their ethnic populations, make up the tip of the borough of Manhattan, and are often assessed by the government as one district. The 2003 New York City Community Health Profile reported that 270,677 people living in District 12 and “one in two

Without a certain degree of control over the governmental levels of power, blacks end up disproportionately dependent on white-created legislation and white administration of those laws (Pohlmann, 219). The potential dangers of gerrymandering involves the distribution of blacks into districts where they are diluted into a minority or the creation of districts where blacks are an excessive majority so that an overall district majority white can be achieved (Thornburgh v. Gingles, 31). These redistricting plans severely hindered blacks ability to vote for a representative of their choice (1). However, in order to stem the progress of racially discriminating gerrymandering, these districts are examined based on the impact and district composition

Before comparing the incumbency advantage, the differences between Newark and Washington’s 7th congressional district have to be examined. While the incumbency advantage is very similar in each region, the physical and demographical difference couldn’t be starker. First, and most obviously, Sharpe James was running for mayoral position of Newark but Jim McDermott was running for the United States House of

Verba et al. also speak to the impact of income level on political participation, a topic often repeated by political scientists (DeSipio 1996, McClain and Tauber 1998). The conclusion: “for each kind of participation, affluence and participation go hand in hand” seems rather obvious (Verba et al. 1995: 189). Indeed, if a Latino parent works two low paying jobs and worries about paying the bills every month (as many do) he or she will likely have little incentive to travel to the polling place to ensure Hispanic representation in Washington. Additionally, Hispanics encounter further impediments to political participation: lower ages and education levels, coupled with language difficulties and illegal and non-citizen statuses further enlarge the gap between

In 2013, Rep. Peter DeFazio’s (D, OR-4) party unity score was 94% (Weyl, 183). Party unity as defined in the textbook, Congress and Its Members, are votes in which the majority of voting Republicans oppose a majority of voting Democrats. In other words, average votes Peter DeFazio casted with the Democratic majority against the Republican majority. Furthermore, party affiliation as well as ideological positions, and the constituency pressure are strongly correlated with congressmen’s voting decisions (Davidson, Oleskek, & Lee 2014, 255).

Although tensions existed between both blocs, Harold Washington was able to prove that African American, like whites, could effectively run politics. The Mayor was able to renew the face of Chicago politics through a “rainbow coalition” that entailed the inclusion to high positions in the city government of “minorities, women, progressive whites and gays”. City agencies were more accountable, funds for social services were now given “to churches, social service organizations, and community organizations” so in this way there was not a patronage system been execute. He provided to many different communities the power needed to progress, a vision never seen before in Chicago. However, the City Council Wars saw an increased in the number committees going from 29 to 37 benefiting the “majority bloc supporters with chairmanships” and the budget for more council staff also grew. The end of Council Wars occurred when elections for aldermen took place in seven wards where racial inequality existed in Byrne’s remapping (CH7).

Upon examining the population characteristics of California’s 2nd Congressional district, in terms of wealth, the district is somewhat wealthier than the average for the U.S. with a median income of $65,414. The population of the district according to data from 2015 is 720,346, which is close to the target population California set forth when redrawing the districts in 2011, which is 701,000 people, the difference probably reflects

It includes such neighborhoods as Riverdale, Fieldstone, Woodlawn, Williamsbridge, Eastchester, Yonkers, Mamaroneck, Rye, Larchmont, Pelham, Scarsdale, and many others. The demographic groups by race and ethnicity that dominate this district are white, black, and Hispanic. The majority of people within this district are white, who make up about thirty-six percent of the population. However, the 16th Congressional district is still relatively diverse, with black people making up about thirty-two percent of the population and Hispanic people making up about twenty-four percent. Additionally, a majority of the population in the 16th Congressional District are english speakers, with about thirty-three percent of the population speaking a language besides English at home. Moreover, the median household income level in the 16th Congressional District is about $69,086. Within the 16th District, about thirty-nine percent of the population make under $50,000, whereas about twenty-six percent make between $50,000 and $100,000, and about twenty-three percent make between $100,000 and $200,000. The income levels of the 16th Congressional District alludes to the idea that the people who Engel represents, primarily come from middle or upper-class backgrounds. Also, about eighty-five percent of the population within this district are high school graduates, and about forty percent have earned their bachelor’s degrees. These statistics reveal that the population is mostly well-educated. Given that a large portion of the population of the 16th District are either children or elderly, improving education, and providing both healthcare and an income safety net are two of the 16th District’s most significant needs. Both parties share concern over some of the issues within District 16, however, the Democratic Party allocates more resources to fulfill such needs.

In poor states, the wealthy are very different from the poor in their political preferences, but this is not the case in rich states. The answer for this is due to race. Gelman uses Mississippi as an example,

in the Washington Post article,“Va. poll is a table of two states”, the writers Laura Vozzella and Emily Guskin discusses the political divide between Democrats and Republicans within the state of Virginia. This problematic divide can be seen in the specific churches, schools, neighborhoods, etc., that attract and repel specific party members. The article goes on to explain that these divisions result from cultural and lifestyle choices by each voter. For example, like minded Democrats desire homes that are a walkable distance from stores in contrast to spread out communities desired by Republicans. As a result, more and more Americans are living in political enclaves. However, many voters in the upcoming presidential election are not particularly

Burden and Kimball draw on the work of King and build on the ecological inference in order to gather district-level estimates while avoiding the problems of constancy because the authors are sticking to fairly small geographic areas. (Burden & Kimball, 534) The authors are also able to work between the data of an individual level data, collected from the National Election Survey, and aggregate level data collected in the form of vote totals for the various districts. (Burden & Kimball, 534) Burden and Kimball breakdown their data into 2x2 tables and then seek to fill in the blanks with estimates of the splitters after accounting for roll-off to avoid bias entering into the analysis. Those estimates are then combined with other known aggregate information to estimate the splitters. (Burden & Kimball, 536) The estimates are then examined for validity against other more accepted methodologies including an analysis of the individual data