How Diasporic Paradigm Is Our Former Essentialist And Monolithic Understanding Of The Current Regime Of China

When Kang first heard about the Han nationalism that excluded all the non-Han Chinese, he could not understand the logic behind it. In order to rebut the revolutionaries, he wrote a long article to the Chinese Business Association in America to explain the ideas of ethnic sovereignty and cultural attitude. In this article, he had three major points about the Chinese identity. First, Kang felt that promoting Han nationalism was “the weirdest thing in the world” because the Manchus and Han had already formed “a nation for more than 200 years.” Kang said that the Qing Dynasty did not discriminate against the Han people and allowed them to work in the government. He thought that almost nobody had questioned the authority of the Qing Dynasty in the past 200 years. Second, Kang then argued that if the revolutionaries used ethnicity or race to define China or Chinese nationalism, there would be no real Chinese since in history the Han Chinese had many intermarriages with different ethnic groups. In the Spring and Autumn period, Confucius had already used culture to define Chinese identity and Kang believed that most Chinese intellectuals accepted this standard. Kang cited many historical events from the Era of Disunity and claimed how culture could unify different ethnic groups in China. Therefore, Kang promoted his Confucianism which ruled that if one practiced Confucianism, he or she was Chinese. He believed that as long as minority groups such as the Manchus accepted

The fact that the native Formosan were excluded in the early stage made it possible for the prime definition of the status of island to become a Chinese-centric one. But at the same time, it was the cultural capital China, as a country, already enjoyed that legitimated her interest being prioritised over that of

Another question arises: what is a “narrative of ethnicity” in diasporic context? Choy explains how immigrants are to preserve their ethinic identity, yet they adapt to their social context. The children feel the same resentment and distaste for Chinese. Jook-Liang forces herself to speak English at home in her efforts to be more like Shirley Temple. She speaks to herself in English while practicing her dance routine (Choy, 36) and uses it as a tool to feel less Chinese. The children have jarring associations to learning and speaking

Maxine Kingston's Making of More Americans like Amy Tan's Mother Tongue has been a controversial addition to Asian American literature. The writer has tried to answer the critical question of Chinese American identity and hence been criticized for adopting an orientalist framework to win approval of the west. Similarly Rendezvous by Frank Chin and Mother Tongue by Amy Tan also speak of a culture that neatly fits the description of the "Other" in the orientalist framework. It appears alien, remote and immensely degrading to women who were treated like non-human beings by Chinese chauvinistic society. However things changed for the generation of Chinese that grew up in the US or at least that is what authors wants us to believe.

Modern China and Japan share many similarities, such as geographical location, and the way the population has grown through the years. Although modern China and Japan bear similarities, the differences between the two nations are plentiful as well. China and Japan have two different forms of government, and separate economies as well. Despite these differences, the rich culture that both these countries boast, connect one nation to the other.

Her perspective and personal experiences can help to drive in the point that there are two different generations of Chinese people and how one looks down on the other because of their birth place. Liu’s article is reliable because it is a personal experience of growing up Chinese American and shows the different perspective on how growing up with two different generations of Chinese shaped her life. Maria Liu is also a reliable source because she is a student and writer for the

In 1854, record crowds gathered at Yale to witness the graduation of Yung Wing, the first Chinese student to graduate from a North American university. Paradoxically, Yung Wing’s achievement won him recognition only for his role as a pioneering student and sacrificed from the general discourse his lifelong role within the Chinese diaspora. Yung Wing, who later served as a businessman and as an interlocutor between the Chinese and United States governments, is unique among his Chinese diasporic contemporaries who were mostly migrant laborers or indentured servants in Southeast Asian plantations. However, Yung Wing’s greater agency did not liberate him from the effects of British imperialism, inter-Asian strife, and rising anti-Chinese sentiment in the United States, nor did it preclude him from participating in parallel formations of diasporic consciousness. In fact, the circular migration exercised by both Yung Wing and his Chinese contemporaries stresses their diasporic commonality despite differing experiences. Yung Wing’s autobiography, My Life in China and America, therefore invites a more nuanced analysis of Yung Wing as a member of the 1850-1930 Chinese diaspora through an ethnic-specific, cross-class perspective that expounds upon diasporic similarities often occluded by Yung Wing’s uncommon privilege for the time period.

Huang He thinkers developed a vague world view that was accepted as a standard approach in later Chinese thinking

Realism is one of the most dominant international relations theories in the academic world. But within Realism, Realists are split on a number of issues. A perfect example of which being the rise of China. Over the past 30 years China has increased not only in population and power, but has also achieved one of the strongest economies in the world. The rise of China is seen as problematic by many realists. Since the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Soviet Union, the US has enjoyed a position of hegemony in the unipolar power structure of the world. Many fear that the rise of China could upset the current balance of power. One such individual is a prominent realist scholar, John Mearsheimer. He believes that war with China is inevitable and “calls for the US to do whatever it can to slow China’s rise.” Another political theorist Jonathan Kirshner wrote this paper to counter many of Mearsheimer’s claims, stating that Mearsheimer’s offensive realism “is wrong, and dangerous”. Kirshner suggests that instead of using offensive realism we should look instead to the theories roots in classical realism to analyse the rise of China.

Ho-fung Hung’s work attempts to reconcile the widespread expectation that China’s rise would lead to a fundamental change in the global status quo with the observed fact that China has become increasingly connected to and one with the global status quo. To do this, he must first examine China’s rise and prove that it upholds the global status quo, and further must look into the origins of China’s rise, going back to the 13th century, to understand why this rise seemingly changed so little about the global world order.

Based on my findings, British society has facilitated fluid Chinese queer people’s identities, whilst the Chinese context shaped identities still remaining in some way. On the one side, identities flow through the experience of transnational movement. Chinese queer people’s identities are fluid, which can be considered as socially constructed. On the other side, Tam (1998) describes that Chinese migrants in Britain are ‘the least assimilated’ ethnic group because of the deep-rooted Chinese tradition. The absence of legal protections in China marginalizes queer people from the mainstream society, which also shapes their ‘Chinese identities’. Also, for most of Chinese, his/her families need to be respected, so that coming out with family members is a challenge to Chinese queer people.

One experience so far in China that left a strong impression on my mind was a visit to the Shaanxi museum of history. Our tour guide was a locally educated young woman in her twenties. As she took us through the different periods of Chinese history, at every exhibit showing some sort of tool or mechanistic contraption she would turn and say “as you can see, the Chinese people are very smart!” She also recounted a story in which she was very offended that an American made a comment that Chinese people are short, to which she replied “yes, we are, but we have five thousand years of history and culture!” Both the richness and vastness of Chinese history was a huge source of pride for her, as her slightly illogical response to the American’s comment shows. In retrospect, her age denotes that she grew up on the government’s campaign in the 1990s to educated students about China’s greatness, to foster pride.

China came to realise that it was no longer at the centre of the world after being invaded multiple times by ‘barbarians’ from the outside who were stronger and possessed an intimidatingly sturdy culture and religion which threatened the Chinese culture and world order (Zhimin, 2005:38). China felt threatened and took to nationalism as a non-Chinese solution to the survival of China (Zhimin, 2005:38). However, “Chinese nationalism was a modern idea, seeping in from Europe. It was bolstered by the resentment of European imperialists, with their own ignorant and ruthless

When I was on middle school, I spent my holiday vacation with my family to go to China. I went to some part of China such as Beijing, Luoyang, Shanghai and the others, but I only remembered the one in the Beijing mostly. I was really surprised that China got many cultures that I had not known before. These cultures include food, history and some local tradition. In this essay, I will tell my experience in China and some China’s culture that I have gotten in my trip.

The People’s Republic of China (PRC) has become more integrated and willing to cooperate within the global political and economic systems than ever in its history. However, there is growing apprehension in the Asia-Pacific region and the U.S. in regards to the consequences of rising in economic and military power in China. Descriptions about Chinese diplomacy in the policy and scholarly are less positive lately concerning China’s obedience to regional and international rules. There was little debate in the U.S. and elsewhere in regards to whether China was or was not part “the international community.” Scholars and experts in the early 1990s have contended