How Did It Adequate To The Proletariat Revolution?

Analyzing the Bolshevik State compared to Marxism can be difficult because Marx, Engels and their followers gave relatively little thought to what the state would look like after a socialist revolution. Engels famously wrote, “the state is not ‘abolished,’ it withers away,” which highlights the hazy and unfixed nature of Marx and Engle’s writings on the ultimate, classless society they envisioned. Further, what they did write is subject to the differing interpretations by numerous socialist parties all claiming to be Marxist. As discussed earlier, Lenin claimed he simply reshaped Marxism to fit the conditions of Russia. Others argue his interpretation was not true Marxism at all. However, the basic principles of a socialist state in the eyes of Marx’s are outlined in the Communist Manifesto as follows:

When the French Third Estate stormed the Bastille in 1789, they envisioned a country in which they were no longer trodden upon by the First and Second Estates. They envisioned a nation where they had a major voice in politics and had a prominent role in the economy. By successfully overthrowing the French government and installing their own, they succeeded; albeit for only a short time. Little did they know that within a few decades, the same social hierarchy would be reinstalled during the Industrial Revolution, except the lower classes would be fighting for sanitation instead of bread. Over the course of the nineteenth century, various arguments emerged of how to improve the lives of European workers during the Industrial Revolution. Arguments

Initially we shall examine the concept of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels view of Socialism as described by Michael W. Doyle. At the very beginning of the chapter he states that “[Marx and Engels] are perhaps best known for the materialist conception of history in which the conditions of production shape all other areas of society — institutions, laws, ideas and morality” (Doyle 322). Both of

Flora Tristan, a French writer and political activist, claimed that workers “must create a huge union to assert their unity” as it is the only way that the “working class will be strong” (Document 5). She believes that the working class must “demand from the bourgeois gentlemen its right to work and to organize”, as a method of escaping the power of the bourgeois (Document 5). The working class was also known as the Proletariat, and as Karl Marx stated in the Communist Manifesto, the world was a cycle that must be broken. Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, both German social theorists, wrote in The German Ideology that the only way for an alteration to take place is through a revolution, “a revolution is necessary, therefore [...] because the ruling class cannot be overthrown in any other way” (Document 6). Marx spoke of the oppressors and the oppressed who fought to be and stay on top. The Central Electoral Committee of the Eleventh Arrondissement of the city of Paris believes that the “whole system of work should be reorganized” claiming that “there will be no more oppressors or oppressed, [and] no class distinction among citizens” (Document 11). While some believed in the dominance of communism and the ideas associated with it, others simply sought for equality and

Karl Marx's Communist Manifesto was most appealing to and revolutionary for the industrial workers of 1848 (and those to come after that time). The call for unification of the proletariat and abolishment of the Bourgeoisie was an urgent one during a time of rapid progress in all aspects of industrial life. This urgency of The Communist Manifesto and the desire for change of political ideologies (to match the exponential rate of progress of wealth and industry) created not only a spate of revolutions, but a long lasting change in political ideas for industrialized European nations. The Communist Manifesto created a sense of unity and class awareness throughout the

Everyday their main goal was to figure out how they were going to get through that day, how they were going to keep their family alive until tomorrow. The decision, although not appealing was quite simple, another day of working under the bourgeoisie. For if they did not do this than they simply did not survive. A proletariat agreed to accomplish what was asked of him or her; there was no other way around it. Thus, a necessity to speak up and work for changes was found in the people after going through enough unfair treatment and disrespect that no human being deserves. “Marx preached the fiery rhetoric of class warfare, explaining to the mesmerized workers that revolution was not only the sole answers to their difficulties but was indeed inevitable.” [iii]

There were a few major ideas or movements that became increasingly popular in Europe in 1848. These ideas were very important in the Communist Manifesto written by Karl Marx with the help of Frederick Engels. The first idea was socialism, which could be defined as: “an economic system based on collective ownership of the means of production, economic planning, and the equal distribution of goods and services.” In this new way of thinking, agriculture and manufacturing satisfied essentially all of humans wants and needs. According to the Manifesto, this new economic structure would lead to a shift in ownership of production from the bourgeois to the proletariat party. There would be no longer be a need for any set positions or responsibilities. Instead, there would be an emergence of the working class.

     The Communist Manifesto was written by two world renowned philosophers, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. This book was produced in an era of great suffering and anguish of all workers in a socially distressed system. In a time when revolutions were spreading through Europe like wildfire, Marx organized his thoughts and views to produce the critical pamphlet “The Communist Manifesto”. Marx’s scrutiny illustrates his belief that unless change is to occur the constant outcome will repeatedly remain uniform. This is a novel that displays the differentiation between the Bourgeois and the Proletariat. Class relationships are defined by an era's means of production. Marx’s

Manifesto deals with "Bourgeois and Proletarians", where he is asserting that bourgeois is constantly trying to maximize its profit by exploiting proletarians and their manual labour. Marx and Engels claim “The history of all hitherto existing societies is the history of class struggle”. At this point it is almost certain, why IR influenced Marx as much as he came up with idea of socialism and yet, of communism. Secondarily, the (FR) in France from 1789 to 1799 was another radical and political event in the worldwide history. Marx and Engels based their analysis of the FR, as a series of class struggle. Both concluded, that in society of material inequality it is impossible to reach an actual freedom, considering the slogans of IR “Liberty, Equality and Fraternality”, if the society is divided into exploiters and exploited, meaning Bourgeoisie and Proletariat. This observation was vital to Marx´s concept.

Not only did the bourgeoisie run the businesses, but also political matters. The power was shifting to the side of the owners, causing the gap between the proletariats and the bourgeoisie to grow bigger and bigger. The dominant force in Europe was actually creating a weapon without the realization of what they were doing. The labors, living conditions, and status of the proletariats created tension within the structure of the French society. The peasants even paid for the way of others, "it was on the peasants that all the abuses in the assessment

As capitalist societies expanded, Marx argued that exploitation amongst workers became more apparent. Marx believed that the only way to get rid of the exploitation, oppression and alienation was for a revolution amongst the proletariat workers. Marx suggests that it is only when the means of production are communally owned, that class divisions among the masses will disappear.

The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte was written by Karl Marx a few months after the December 1851 coup d’etat of Louis Bonaparte in France. In this short text, Marx further examined the revolution of 1848 and the series of political reversals which eventually led to the coup. Marx views the coup as a consequence of sharp intensifications of class antagonisms in modern bourgeois society, which is the central idea of the theory of revolutionary change presented in the Communist Manifesto. Therefore, his analysis in the Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte allows us to understand how his theory bears out in practice. However, in the latter text, Marx also made some adjustments to his theory. He went from a simple, bifurcate model consisting of only a dominating class and a dominated class to a more sophisticated understanding where he identifies the subgroups within the main groups, as well as the roles each of these factions played during the course of the revolution. In this paper, I will explain the revolution theory proposed by Marx and Engels in the Communist Manifesto, and how the theory was applied and adjusted in the Eighteenth Brumaire to make concrete historical sense of the events happened during the years between 1848 to 1851.

Marx wished to emancipate the Proletariat and ultimately develop a class-consciousness, which respects the lower class. “In Marxism the division of society into classes is determined by position within the process of production.”7 The goal was to eliminate the property of all individuals, because private property is what keeps the Proletariat enslaved. The Bourgeoisie dominated control of the property and capital distribution, which hindered the advancement of the Proletariat. Marx believed that the Proletariat must abolish capitalism in order to destroy the Bourgeoisie culture and aspects of the upper class, such as aspects of family, religion, and

In the chapter, “Manifesto of the Communist Party” in The Marx-Engels Reader book, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels had broken up the topic of the Communist Party up to four parts: 1. “Bourgeois and Proletarians”, 2. “Proletarians and Communists”, 3. “Socialist and Communist Literature”, and 4. “Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition Parties.” In this essay, I’ll be focusing on the first two parts of the “Manifesto” since there are so much information to cover within three to four pages. To begin I would like to summarize, “Bourgeois and Proletarians” was about the vicious cycle of the proletariats having to constantly fight the socioeconomic classes above them considering that they are always exploited, yet they have no norms (“appropriation”) of their own to secure or embrace. “Proletarians and Communists” was where Marx and Engels define what Communism is, how it relates to the Proletarians, and how Communism works (or would work). History can be trace back to the class/political struggles; the oppressed fighting against their oppressors; the “subordinate gradations”. Subordinate gradation was defined as a social rank, where the highest power is at the top and the weakest is at the bottom. However, when old subordinate gradation falls another one would rise, that was the cycle. Marx and Engels went on to make a statement that the current class antagonisms are between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The proletariat is defined as the

But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to itself; it has called into existence the men who are to wield those weapons—the modern working-class—the proletarians.”2 Marx has introduced the solution to creating his equal society. He believes that the proletarians are capable of overthrowing the bourgeois because of their large population.