Huey P Newton's Theory Of Intercommunalism

Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment. Ed. By Patricia Hill Collins. (New York: Routledge, 2000. ii, 336 pp. Cloth, $128.28, ISBN 0-415-92483-9. Paper, $26.21, 0-415-92484-7.)

As a result, the black feminist movement developed, where black women were the sole leaders of the movement that liberated all people. Many black women believed that it was counterproductive for the Civil Rights Movement to neglect the needs of black woman because black men continued to use the same systemic oppression that white people used against them on black women. In “I Am a Revolutionary Black Woman,” Angela Davis writes that “black women constitute the most oppressed sector of society” (Davis 461). It is evident that black women have been super exploited by American society economically, sexually, and politically, making them the lowest on the social hierarchy. Because of black women’s low social standing, if the black woman is liberated, then everyone else will follow, which will ensure the liberation of all people. Thus, Davis argues that “women’s liberation is especially critical with respect to the effort to build an effective black liberation movement” (461). Unlike Hamer, Davis believes that black women should liberate themselves from the black man if they are too oppressive like the white man; black men should be held accountable for their chauvinistic efforts, and should embrace the fight for liberation of women just as black women supported the liberation of black men.

Across cultures and throughout history, women have experienced ongoing systemic oppression; and they have responded with progressive movements of protest and creative alternatives. Harriet Tubman in the fight against slavery: Fannie Lou Hamer for voting rights: Ella Baker and Mary White Ovington in the civil rights movement: Rosa Luxemburg in the German socialist movement: Winnie Mandela in the anti-apartheid movement: Puerto Rican independence leader and poet Lolita Lebron: and American Indian movement activists Anna Mae Aquash, Ingrid Washinawatok, and Winona LaDuke (Mink and Navarro). Women have pioneered in movements for labor rights, prison reform, reproductive rights and health, education, affordable housing, affirmative action and equal rights, human rights, and environmental safety. These women’s leadership styles span a range from soft to harsh, from wielding individual, hierarchical power to possessing a commitment to collectivism, and from identifying as “woman as caretaker of life” to woman as requiring and utilizing equal power to man. There is no one characteristic that applies to all women as social change leaders (Hurtado).

Emory Douglas’s pieces titled Afro-American Solidarity with the Oppressed and Panther Sisters on Women’s Liberation are two pieces that show Douglas’s revolutionary art that were powerful symbols of the Black Panther Party (BPP). The Black Panther Party for Self Defense was founded by Huey Newton and Bobby Seale in 1966 to protect minority communities against the United States government. The BPP also used community based programs and mass organization to start revolutionary socialism. Both pieces show the importance that women played in the movement. Despite the idea of women with power is often overlooked, they were a key part in forming the BPP. The BPP women defied sexisim, took leadership roles, and implemented programs that were

African American women have a long history of being political activists. African American foremothers, such as: Frances E.W. Harper, Maria Stewart, Sarah Mapps Douglass, Sarah Parker Remond, Harriet Jacobs, Mary Ann Shadd Cary, and Ida B. Wells were fighting for racial, social, and gender equality since slavery and the Emancipation Proclamation. Whether it is in print culture or in public culture African American women have continuously protested the treatment of African Americans and women in America. Yet, the presence of women (especially African American women) was not welcomed in America’s public domain. In fact, it deviated from acceptable gender roles. Women on the public stage receiving spotlight for their resistance against

Ever since our first arrival to the new world, black thought and way of life has been under attack from outside forces whose only goal was and is to keep the African American community from progressing. Imprisonment, murder, deportation, bombings, illegal wiretapping, and fraud are just some of the schemes that have been leveled at black power organizations since J. Edgar Hoover first took the helm of the Bureau of Investigation, the predecessor to the present day FBI. Examining what happened to the Black Panthers, particularly the murders of Fred Hampton and Mark Clark, and Marcus Garvey and the UNIA, will give us a clear picture of the strategies used to destroy black political and social organizations in the United States of America.

A racially integrated group of women formed the Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society in October of 1833. This was uncommon for the time-period. The society was made up of three different social classes of women, which caused conflict of interest within the society. The different classes were white, upper-class women, white, middle-class women, and elite black women. The upper-class though that the middle-class were restricting the ideas of the society, while the middle-class thought the aggressive techniques of the upper-class women was atrocious (Hansen 46). Upper-class white women used men’s tactics like political protest and public action to spread their cause, while middle-class women used church-based techniques, while focusing towards the needs of women and children (Hansen 63).The elite black women were less interested in policy issues and instead advocated programs that would provide direct care to the black community (Hansen 46).

Additionally, I think women did not truly believe they had the potential and power to break out of the social norms and use any of their talents or abilities for their own personal gain. 6. Initially, why didn’t Black women identify with feminism and the women’s movement? At first, black women did not identify with feminism and the women’s movement because of the fact the movement was not making much progress in changing the way women were being discriminated within the work

They argued that the initial feminist ideologies merely fought to give white women equal opportunities with white men. Therefore, the misrepresentation of the minority women ignited anger as they felt white women will oppress the minority once they become equal to their counterpart. They changed their organization target from only black women to third world women. This was done to unify and reflect awareness to the organization. They attracted welfare mothers, community workers, and campus radicals (Third World Women’s Alliance,132). Moreover, the issues they challenged included family gender roles and racism. The members of the Third World Women’s Alliance worked towards eliminating the stereotype that the black communities are run by the female gender. This myth caused others outside of the organization to believe inequality wasn’t a concern in black communities.

In an effort to meet the needs of black women who felt they were being racially oppressed in the Women's Movement and sexually oppressed in the Black Liberation Movement, the Black Feminist Movement was formed. Although the movement was formed, very few women in the 60’s and 70’s were willing to identify themselves as feminist. Many were opposed to the idea feminist to begin with because they believed it was degrading the men in their community. For example, men and even some females said the only problem women faced was slavery and black feminism was nothing but man-hating

This was an effort to meet the needs of African American women that were being oppressed by racism in the Feminist movement. Similarly, Black Feminist Movement was a response to the sexual oppression of black women in the Black Liberation Movement (Hooks, 2000). The principal purpose of the Black Feminism Movement was to provide a strategy to adequately address the needs of the female African Americans in areas of class, race, and gender (Haslanger, 2000). It aimed at taking effective actions to stop classist, sexist, and racist discrimination of the black women. Although the Black Liberation Movement was ostensibly for the liberation of the African race, the movement was indeed for the liberation of African American Men.

The women’s movement looked to challenge all standards that oppressed and undignified women through the creation of these institutions in order to allow a new society to arise. Like the New Left and the black power movement the women’s liberation movement created institutions all based on a system that would benefit women only in order to create a new society that supported their cause. The black power movement was able to do this by “establishing its own form of government in Mississippi and calling blacks to create political parties and credit unions” (Echols, p. 281).Radicals believed that through the creation of underground institutions it would allow for the creation of a common identity between activist in which would strengthen the movement .Therefore the creation of alternative institutions demonstrates how the women’s liberation movement was inspired by ideas and strategies done by the New Left and black power movement. Radical movements embraced the idea of political demonstrations must be applied in activist’s personal lives, but the women’s liberation movement emphasize this by

In an attempt to define Black Feminism, Collins clarifies that it must “avoid the idealist position that ideas can be evaluated in isolation from the groups that create them (Collins 385).” This clarification forms her basis for why Black Feminism is necessary, and who it serves. Thinking about feminism historically, the concerns of black women were pushed aside in favor of fighting sexism; a notable example occurs within the Suffrage movement, where votes for white women were prioritized over women of color in order to push such legislation through. And even when feminism began looking at other social injustices, such as racism and class issues, often only prominent feminists were invited to the discussion. What resulted was, and often continues to be, a problem of white women speaking for oppressed people. It’s impossible, Collins argues, to have Black Feminist thought without examining the experiences and positions of African American women. Therefore, Black Feminism must be a movement that “encompasses theoretical interpretations of Black women’s reality by those who live in it (Collins 386).” However, such a definition brings about many questions:

In an attempt to define Black Feminism, Collins clarifies that it must “avoid the idealist position that ideas can be evaluated in isolation from the groups that create them (Collins 385).” In reality, this forms her basis for why Black Feminism is necessary, and who it serves. Thinking about feminism historically, the concerns of black women were pushed aside in favor of fighting sexism, most notably during the Suffrage movement. And even when feminism began looking at other social injustices, such as racism and class issues, only prominent feminists were invited to the discussion. What resulted was, and often continues to be, a problem of white women speaking for oppressed people. It’s impossible, Collins argues, to have Black Feminist thought without examining the experiences and positions of African American women. Therefore, Black Feminism must be a movement that “encompasses theoretical interpretations of Black women’s reality by those who live in it (Collins 386).” However, such a definition brings about many questions: who’s experiences are valued, how do black women take their voice back, and how can they center feminist thinking on their own unique standpoint?

America has been an inseparable part of the world’s management, so its position directly determined the development of policies and cultures in many countries. Viewing the difficulties, which the whole world faced during World War II, one can see the choices that the USA had: the government could remain isolated from the rest of the world or join the crisis in order to solve it. As an important congress person, I see great perspectives for the country’s development from the side of economics and politics during and after the war. There are many factors, influencing the outcomes of the war in fields of international events, changes in people’s perception and policies.