Latino Voters And Hispanic Voters

61% of the eligible electorate voted in the 1968 presidential election (Nicholas, 1969), while only 58.6% voted in the 2012 presidential election (Kernell et al., 2016, p. 450). Although national voting rates in 2008 and 2012 were lower than historical rates, voting rates among minorities were at an all time high. This suggests that there is an inverse relationship between national voting rates and minority voting rates, at least in the context of the 1968, 2008, and 2012 elections: if one rate rose, the other fell. Further research on why this occurs would be beneficial for future presidential elections. Voting rates among immigrants are still very low compared to native born voting rates, so efforts to encourage political participation among immigrants should be increased. Efforts to increase the national voting rate (including all races and ethnicities) should also be

Currently within the United States one of the fastest growing minority population (Schwartz & Scott, 2012) is the Latinos. In 2010 Census Bureau Brief ( Ennis, Rois-Vargas, & Albert, 2011) it stated how an estimated 15 million Latino individuals were living within the United States, which is approximately about 16% of the entire U.S. population. There is one big problem with addressing the Latino population, and that is the family patterns are either misrepresented or not properly understood, due to the label of Hispanic and Latinos being placed together. These two groups may share the same spoken language of Spanish and have similar cultural ancestry but the diversity among Hispanic and Latinos (Schwartz & Scott, 2012) make generalizations about their lifestyles difficult. The term Hispanic came to be used in the 1970’s by government officials (cdc.gov, 2011) in trying to provide a diverse label on this population that had connections to speaking Spanish and the Spanish culture. Latino became more of a termed to be used when distinguishing between Mexican (Hispanics) and Latinos who descendants from Latin America such as Cuba and Puerto Rico.

In 2008, African-American presidential nominee Barack Obama garnered 67% of the Latino vote. In his bid for re-election, President Barack Obama acquired 71% of the Latino vote (Pew Research Center). With these statistics in mind, one can conclude that there has been a consistent growing pattern of continued co-operation between blacks and Latinos at the national level. This is in complete contrast however, to the mindset of some observers who believed that Latinos would not come out in the numbers they did because of racial bias and because of the fact that Obama received much less support amongst Latinos in the democratic primaries when faced against Hilary Clinton (Hero & Preuhs, p.3). Many people mistakenly thought this to be so because

Without a certain degree of control over the governmental levels of power, blacks end up disproportionately dependent on white-created legislation and white administration of those laws (Pohlmann, 219). The potential dangers of gerrymandering involves the distribution of blacks into districts where they are diluted into a minority or the creation of districts where blacks are an excessive majority so that an overall district majority white can be achieved (Thornburgh v. Gingles, 31). These redistricting plans severely hindered blacks ability to vote for a representative of their choice (1). However, in order to stem the progress of racially discriminating gerrymandering, these districts are examined based on the impact and district composition

When looking at political campaigns in recent years there has been increasing evidence in the parties’ campaigns for the support of this racial group as they are being targeted in the campaigns in a strategic manner, by campaigning in Spanish or supporting citizenship, or heavy focus on Hispanic candidates from the parties for examples the Republican focus was on candidates such as Marco Rubio and Ted Cruz.

In accordance with the New York Times article ‘’27 Million Potential Hispanic Votes. But What Will They Really Add Up To?’’ writed by Marcela Valdes, the hispanic vote is determined for a such of circumstances, which explained through different testimonies in different contexts; starting with a background about one of the most important political issues in America today.

There is a significant difference between Latinos and Hispanics, but they are also exceedingly closely related. It is important to remember that these terms refer to ethnicity, not race. Latinos and Hispanics are two different words that may or may not mean the same thing. Some people say Hispanics are those descending from Spain and speak Spanish. Others say it is not the same because Latinos include people from Latin American countries. Since this would include non-Spanish speaking countries it is not the same as Hispanic. So technically speaking you can be one without the other but a person can also be both.

The presentation topic was to examine the impact of politics on Latino in United States by studying various factors such as- population, citizenship status, geographic location and age.

Throughout all levels of American politics incumbents running for reelection have a huge and systematic advantage over their challengers. In this paper, the incumbency advantage will be examined through the lens of James “Jim” McDermott’s continual reelection in Washington’s 7th Congressional District and Sharpe James, the longtime mayor of Newark. James’ incumbency advantage is especially interesting in the context of 2002 mayoral campaign, where he was nearly unseated by Cory Booker. Both McDermott and James served their constituents for over 30 years and developed sizable incumbency advantages, though in some cases they were used in different ways. Looking at the differences demographically between Newark and Washington’s 7th Congressional District can be striking, but if instead the incumbency advantage is considered, the similarities are wide reaching and fascinating. In this paper, six major elements of incumbency advantage will be looked at: name recognition, party advantage, redistricting, constituency service, focus on candidates and special incumbent privileges.

This research examines the disjuncture between Hispanic strength in population and Hispanic participation in politics. I examine the nature of this disjuncture: its severity, its causes, and its consequences. Hispanics currently comprise 11.2% of the U.S. population, but the Hispanic vote in the 1998 elections comprised only 4.7% of all ballots cast. The situation is even bleaker when considering Hispanic representation in Congress. Currently, less than four percent of U.S. House members are Latino. Add to that clear disjuncture the fact that two of the Hispanic Congressmen do not even possess the ability to vote and that there is not a single Hispanic Senator, and we see that

Climate change, once considered an issue for the distant future, has moved firmly into the present, and is beginning to affect Hispanic populations in the United States. According to the Environmental Defense Fund, climate change causes a net rise in global temperatures that inflames health-harming air pollution, adds to extreme weather events and heat waves, changes the spread of certain vector-borne diseases, and more. Many of these health impacts are already being felt across the United States, mostly aiming at the Hispanic population because of the statistic that they’re more likely to live in polluted neighborhoods, and because of the type of jobs the parents have, Latinos are three times more likely to die at work from heat-related illness, according to Yale Climate Connections. Many elements in the BIG GEMS acronym play a role in why the Hispanic population is more likely die from

According to the Pew Research Center, a record number of Hispanics were eligible to vote in 2014. The number of eligible Hispanic voters in the 1986 midterm elections was 7.5 million, whereas in 2014 midterm elections, the number was 25.2 million, an increase in 236%. Even though Hispanic voter turnout has been increasing in the last few elections, it is still very low compared to the national average and all the major minority groups. In the 2014 Midterm Election, Hispanics made 8% of the nation’s voters, a number that equaled to the elections of 2010 and 2012. Even though by 2012 eligible Latino voters reached a record number of 11% of the total voters, Latino vote did not surge, in fact it was the same or even less than prior elections. Just like the midterm elections, Hispanics also have a low turnout rate in presidential elections. In the 2008 Presidential Election, 9.7 million Hispanics voted out of the 19.5 million who were eligible to vote. Making the Hispanic voter turnout rate to be around 49.7%. In the 2012 Presidential Election, 11.2 million Hispanics voted out of the

Latinos currently make up the largest and fasting growing minority group in the United States. In 2010 the Latino populations reached 18.8 million (Krogstad & Lopez, 2014). Since than the Latino population has continued to grow at a faster rate than the immigrant population. Yet with the increase in this minority group there still continues to be a lack of research when it comes to child abuse, especially child sexual abuse (CSA). Research has shown that Latino children have a higher rate of referrals to child welfare services (CWS) verses other ethnicities/backgrounds. Yet despite the high rate of referrals, Latino children have a lower rate of substantiation made by child protective services. Much research done on the racial

The topic of race, redistricting, and minority representation in Congress has emerged as one of the most salient issues in contemporary political thought. The creation of so‑called majority minority districts has been attacked as unfair and racially polarizing by some observers and ultimately struck down as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. The study of race in relation to American politics and institutions, and, in particular, to the institution of Congress, has produced a wealth of research and literature in recent years. This scope of budding research ranges from legislative activity and Congressional voting to the electoral process and campaigning. This study examines the effects of

Ines Rosale must be able to visualize the populations across the United States that meet the criteria for its target markets. Ines Rosale is interested in finding metropolitan areas in the United States with a dense Hispanic population. Through the use of demographic tools and multiple census data reports, the mapping of Hispanic populations in the United States indicates that dense Hispanic populations can be found in cities located in every region of the United States. Within these cities, Hispanic populations tend to be found in clusters either within the major metropolitan city or in the bordering smaller cities. By understanding where Hispanic populations lie within a city, Ines Rosales will be able to effectively visualize its target