Liberals and Conservatives in Post Revolutionary Latin America

The Vanguard of the Atlantic World by James Sanders seems to do little more than reiterate the concept that American republican modernity was debated by various countries located in Latin America in regards to their status as a united global political power. Not to say that these nations were united in terms of alliances, or treaties, but rather that some intellectuals adopted the concept of a “sisterhood” of republic democracies. The analysis of the political systems in Latin America after their independence from European nations is not where the disappointment lies, but rather the lack of context given to various components in his research that were supposed to show the transition of Latin America during its state of transformation from colonial territories to independent republican nations.

In the decades after 1519, the Spaniards created the distinctive colonial society of New Spain. Through this paper I will discuss the features of this new society, how it benefitted the Spanish, and its toll on the native populations using evidence and facts found in out textbook, The American Promise: A Concise History and an article from the Economist Newspaper titled, Americas:1519: The Conquest. It started in the sixteenth century when the New World helped Spain become the most powerful monarchy in both Europe and the Americas. Then there was the conquest of Mexico that ended greatly for the powerful Spain but not so much the native people of Mexico. This

After the age of enlightenment, colonies and nations around the world began questioning their rulers and ruling nations. Liberal and nationalist ideas spread across Europe and the world, especially after the French Revolution. When these beliefs spread to the colonies of America, independence movements and revolts occurred. The Latin American revolution and Haitian revolution were both significant events during the 19th century that affected both their respective nations and the world. While both revolutions resulted similarly such that a social hierarchy based on race existed after independence, they differ in that while the Latin American revolutions placed an emphasis on ending the Spanish casta system, Haitian revolution was based on freeing slaves.

Even though most of Latin America became independent of European colonial rule in the 19c, what were some of the cultural influences and other ties that still existed between the two continents? Between 1810 and 1825, all the Spanish territories on the American mainland gain their sovereignty from Spain. Simultaneously, the power of the Catholic Church diminishes, including its patronage of the visual arts. During these war-torn years, cultural production declines. These years witness political reform and the beginnings of self-fashioned societies. Caudillos or military dictators initially fill the vacuum left by the break-up of colonial rule, including Juan Manuel de Rosas (1793–1877) in Argentina,

What once was a relatively free and peaceful place started to feel the wrath of the cruel invaders. After decades of the Spanish rule, the Latin American colonies decided to finally take back what once was theirs. Latin America, under the rule of Spanish forces, faced problems. The revolutions that took place during this time were influenced by the ideas from the Age of Enlightenment.

Politically, Latin America became infamous in the eyes of other countries for frequent regime collapses and violent tactics, which frequented the Latin American civilization. Just as in the Western Society, two politically active groups, the liberals and conservatives divided the country. The liberals who were strongly influenced by Westerners, trusted parliamentary governments, civil rights and constitutions, and wished for a great reduction in the power of the church. The liberal party believed strongly in the need for an extended education, and tended to

The Bourbon Reforms in Spanish America and the Pombaline Reforms in Brazil were both motivated by the European state’s interest in increasing defense, centralizing authority, and expanding economic benefits of the their Latin American colonies.

American attitudes towards Latin America can be summed up as an extension of larger global directives, and the exclusion of foreign powers in the region. This was highlighted especially during the Cold War as US involvement was essentially in competition with the USSR. Latin America was therefore a mere pawn in the larger context of US-Soviet competition for global dominance. The actions and methods used are also characterized by the lack of an international authority, or an atmosphere of inter-state anarchy, which shaped their calculations in the endeavor to increase their influence over Latin America. When one analyzes the situation, it seems only rational that the United States treated its southern neighbors so, due to the geographical

As Charles Bergquist observes, "Crises in Colombia tend to generate cycles of violence instead of mutations in the political regime." The reason is simple: regime changes in Colombia tend to produce very little change in anything other than nominal rule. Since Colombia's independence from Spain in the early 19th century, Colombia has seen a series of civil wars and secessions (Venezuela, Ecuador, and Panama the last coming rather conveniently at a time when the U.S. was prepared to pay millions for a canal through its nation preparation that later resulted in a multi-million dollar redress to Columbia). Colombia's political history, therefore, has been colored by outside influences pulling on the two dominant liberal and conservative parties, with violent exchanges, and long periods of instability being the consequences. While regime changes have occurred, they have not produced significant improvements. Rather, Colombia in the 20th century has become a nesting ground for paramilitary forces and drug traffickers, with U.S. Central Intelligence operatives contributing heavily to the violent conflict that has risen between regimes. This paper will examine the regime types that preceded the Rojas Pinilla regime in mid-20th century Colombia, analyze their similarities and differences, and discuss the extent to which Rojas Pinilla reached his goals and objectives.

One of the major political challenges for the Liberal party was the Catholic Church. Félicité de Lamennais citizens the political power of the Church saying it was “a political establishment concerned with money, power, and dignities” (Safford 69). To contend with this the Liberals wanted to take power form the Church so that they would no longer be the central political force. Liberals, fearing this power, would strive to separate the people from the hold of the Church. The Liberals would claim that the Church wanted to keep the natives in an uneducated state so the Church could continue to exploit their labor. The Liberals also faced the powers of the pre-existing caudillos. The caudillos opposed Liberal ideas and in turn the Liberals

The late 15th century marked the beginnings of a period of discovery and expansion for Europeans. During these years of discovery, great forces behind drive for expansion existed. The Spanish and Portuguese's main forces included: the lust for the wealth of gold and silver, the acquisition of new lands which brought nobility, and the spread of their Christian based religion. The Spanish and Portuguese conquest of Latin America provides us with insight of these drives in the ultimate search for power. Unfortunately, these motives caused a European-Indigenous syncretism that virtually changed the native peoples way of life. Ultimately, syncretism meant survival for Native Americans in a world where their way of life did not suit the life

Rather than exemplary admired meanings of direct participatory democracy, the perplexing frameworks of our cutting edge social orders supported the improvement of stand out type of democracy, that based upon representation. Under democracy, voters endow to their delegates the guard they could call their own advantage and those of the nation (Brennan and Hamlin 1999; Manin 1997). In Latin America, political gatherings are a decent cure to the presence of populist initiatives. Since the first a large portion of the twentieth century, populism has turned into an intermittent trademark in the equitable encounters of the district (Cammack 2000; Di Tella 1997; Weyland 2004). In addition, populism has been related to the shortcoming of majority rules system, either as a reason or result of its debilitating (Conniff 1999; Dugas 2003; Hawkins 2003; Weyland 2001). Appropriately, seeing that political gatherings are constituted satisfactorily to speak to the different strata of society adequately there will be a lessened plausibility of Latin America's keeping on encountering the multiplication of populism. (Navia 2003; Walker 2006a).

Latin America as continent is a very diverse, culturally, geographically and in the people who inhabit the land. Some are ancestors of the indigenous people to the land, some are African Americans whose ancestors were brought over during the slave trade, others are of European descent, specifically Spanish and Portuguese who’s ancestors came to Latin America during the late 1400’s to either acquire land through the encomienda, capitancy or intendancy system; or to follow the “Spanish Dream” of coming to the New World and creating a life with prestige and wealth. Latin America was developed through imperialism, the idea that one country could control another country and that country’s economy, and political system from outside its borders. Through this idea of imperialism came the era of colonization. Latin America was colonized by Spain and Portugal, but mostly Spain, Portugal colonized Brazil. The failure of Latin America as a state can be attributed to the act of colonization by the Spanish and Portuguese.

Under this particular view underdevelopment in Latin America has its roots in Colonialism, which generated a specific economic structure and a very particular dynamic (always determined by the economic interests and needs of the core region) between the core and the peripheral territories that resulted in, among other things, export dependence, rigid class hierarchy and unequal exchange opportunities. After the colonized countries became independent, the relationships they had undertaken did not change. The elite that were now in charge followed an agenda that maintained these relationships and favored special interests that not only did not help to end the dependency to the core, but in many cases allowed for the rise of authoritarian governments.

La rébellion au Paraguay expose l 'hypocrisie et intrigues de la politique sud-américains. Les prêtres jésuites mènent une révolte des peuples indigènes contre le gouvernement colonial espagnol, mais les jésuites ne se battent pas pour le droit à l 'autonomie gouvernementale pour ces indigènes opprimés. L 'attitude de la Biglugs vers jésuites, il est clair que les peuples autochtones ne se sentent pas la parenté avec les prêtres qui prétendent se battre pour eux. Au lieu de cela, les jésuites exploit simplement les rebelles dans une campagne avide de saisir la richesse et le pouvoir des mains du