Mbuti Culture Essay

"Children of the Forest" is a narrative written by Kevin Duffy. This book is a written testament of an anthropologist's everyday dealings with an African tribe by the name of the Mbuti Pygmies. My purpose in this paper is to inform the reader of Kevin Duffy's findings while in the Ituri rainforest. Kevin Duffy is one of the first and only scientists to have ever been in close contact with the Mbuti. If an Mbuti tribesman does not want to be found, they simply won't be. The forest in which the Mbuti reside in are simply too dense and dangerous for humans not familiar with the area to enter.

Even though the Ibo are described as ‘primitive and savage’ by Mr. Smith, one of the missionary church leaders, the tribesmen evidently show their etiquette through their mannerisms. Proverbs, a form of Ibo mannerisms, are used quite frequently throughout this novel as ‘the art of conversation is regarded very highly [by the Ibo], and proverbs are the palm-oil with which words are eaten.’ (Achebe. P.5:1986) The Ibo people are also not as violent and savage as many of the missionaries believed. This is shown when a villager from the Mbaino village kills a woman from the Ibo village, the Ibo village elders and those with titles, instead of initiating war against the neighbouring Mbaino, reach a peaceful agreement on the reparations from the Mbaino tribe.‘… [A]t the end it was decided to follow the normal course of action. An ultimatum was immediately dispatched to Mbaino asking them to choose between wars on the one hand, and on the other the offer of a young man and a virgin as compensation.” (P.8)

The kinship system is a defining feature of Aboriginal social organisation and family relationships1. This ‘kinship’ system establishes how all members of a community are related and what their position is2.It is a complex system that determines how people relate to each other, and what their roles, responsibilities and obligations in relation to one another are. It also plays an important role in ceremonies and relationships to the land. As such, the kinship system dictates who can marry who, ceremonial relationships, funeral roles and how kinfolk should behave towards one another1.

Historical studies indicate that the New Guinea was one of the hottest countries, insect infested, and occupied by aggressive people. The Imbonggu community is one of the integral parts of the community. William E. Wormsley drew a special insight into the lives of these people after spending several years with them. In his fascinating book, the author uses an incisive, yet articulate, voice to describe the culture, social structure as well as bride wealth, religion, and magic among these people (Wormsley, 1993). During that period, New Guinea was specially known as a man-eating zone. The local people were reputed as cannibals, nasty and aggressive people. Therefore, as the anthropologist of his time, Wormsley was destined to critically analyze the group on their view of the white man. A study that released results that still struck the world with shock (Wormsley, 1993).

Chapter one, “Fieldwork among the Maisin”, describes how anthropologist John Barker, author of Ancestral Lines, goes to Uiaku New Guinea to study the Maisin people. His specific goals were to study how a people can maintain a cultural identify in a modernizing world and how they can live without destroying their environment. Barker first arrived in New Guinea in 1982 where he examined “how the Maisin make a living, organize social interactions, conceptualize the spiritual world, and meet the opportunities and tragedies of life” (Barker 2016:2). He studied the tapa cloth, a fabric made from bark, that the Maisin use as a connection to their ancestral past and to help define their culture. Barker discovered that the Maisin have faith in traditional methods and do what they can to preserve that lifestyle. Barker‘s work went

In traditional Aboriginal society inter-personal relationships are governed by a Complex system of rules, known as the classificatory system of kinship. The kinship system

“Ancestral lines” by John Barker is a book about the anthropologist’s experience in the Uiaku village located in Papua New Guinea. In the first chapter, Barker tells his readers briefly about him and his education, his and his wife’s experience with the Maisin community, and talks in great detail about the Maisin and their culture in the Uiaku village.

What is order? What does it mean to have power? Stateless societies have long fascinated western anthropologists because of how different their political system is. Understanding different forms of power other than the western coercive power helps anthropologists to understand how power creates social order. Through a study of the Nuer of Southern Sudan and the American tribes of South America political power how order is created within stateless societies can be understood. Although these two communities are highly dissimilar they provide contrasting examples of how stateless societies are ordered. By limiting the discussion to these two examples it is hoped that the discussion set forth does not confuse the reader but rather makes clear

Melanesian societies are democratic and the political power exists in the elder men, and in some areas elder women. The elders handle the people’s affairs. In some areas, persons of distinction known as “Big Men”, who are known for their political, economic, and historically, warrior skills, have been given the power. The idea

The Gbadi tribe settles in Lofa County, they practice both traditional and western marriage. I BENEDICT S. KPEHE belong to this tribe. Here in I will discuss the mate selection and marriage pattern of tribal group in Liberia taking the Gbandi tribe as case study.

Deep in the Mukogodo forest located in west central Kenya is where you will find the last of the Mukogodo people. Throughout history there have been significant changes for the Mukogodo people as they try to transition their culture and ethnicity to be Maasai. Before the transition in the early 1920’s to Maasai, Mukogodos were foraging, bee keeping people with their language, Yaaku, and lived in rock caves. Now they are pastoralists who speak only Maa, and no longer live in caves. Sadly even after all the changes they have made, Mukogodos are still not accepted as Maasai and are viewed as the bottom rung of the regional hierarchy.

As a way for clansmen to solve problems among themselves, this judgment is vital to the continuous survival of the Ibo people. The Ibo people's 'ancestors' run the court, with masks to hide their true identities and keep the illusion real to naive clansmen. Each egwugwu represents one of the nine villages of the clan, and all gather prior to the tribunal in a hut exclusive to members of the esoteric cult. Outside the private hut lies the ilo, the village green, where the Ibo hold these courts and the crowd gathers around the opposing parties and the stools specified for the elders to watch. The organization and work behind such an procedure supports the Ibo's civility in that citizens are using their time to settle issues that others have and work together to solve problems that may not even involve them. When a culture cooperates to achieve peace, it proves that their relationships with each other are healthy and without any bonds between citizens to hold a culture together, there will undoubtedly be separation which leads to falling apart. The fact that the Ibo do this supports their civility and that they do not need imperialism. Further evidence is provided when Evil Forest, the leader of the egwugwu, states "We have heard both sides of the case... our duty is not to blame this man or to praise that, but to settle the dispute" (93.) When a court hears both sides of a case, it proves that they value equality which is a key quality in a civilized society as it allows everyone in the clan to be treated the same and that prevents displeasure which could lead to a clan's destruction. Thus a judicial system becomes necessary to an established tribe and the fact that the Ibo people have one supports the claim of their civility and that they do not need

The Kaluli are a small clan of indigenous people who live in the rain forests in the Southern Highlands of the Great Papuan Plateau found in Papua New Guinea. The Kaluli people’s residency includes up to twenty longhouses each with about fifteen families in them, numbering roughly to about sixty to ninety people in each longhouse. The Kaluli culture does not involve any ranked social structure or individuals with hierarchical authority over others, however relies on strong egalitarian and equal values. The purpose of this of this paper is to highlight the Kaluli people’s identity, their unique upbringing and their struggles faced by missionization. This text will first identify how Kaluli children, both male and female are socialized and encultured in different ways through the mother enforcing certain traits, attitudes, behaviors, traditions and work ethics. Secondly this text will consider how missionization, i.e. the communication of other cultures and the indoctrination of Christianity by missionaries has disrupted the Kaluli’s sense of place. It will focus on the introduction of European-based time, the introduction and demise of some types of languages and the ownership of land and identity. Thirdly this paper will discuss how the enculturation of Kaluli children differs from more civilized enculturation of children and possible reasons for this

In traditional societies, to begin with, there is a strong fellow-feeling; everybody is considered a friend and is expected to act this way, in case of personal or family

In traditional societies, to begin with, there is a strong fellow-feeling; everybody is considered a friend and is expected to act this way, in case of personal or family