In his memoir Fire and Ashes Michael Ignatieff draws on his successes and failures in Canadian politics in order to provide his readers with insight on how to be successful politicians. In his book Ignatieff focuses primarily on the factors he believes led to his failed first campaign for Liberal leadership and his eventual failure to become Prime Minister. Throughout Fire and Ashes Ignatieff emphasizes the importance of imagery, framing, and narrative over being the most qualified or deserving candidate. Nonetheless, Ignatieff's political career should be classified as being a far cry from a failure. Mr. Ignatieff's political career was far more successful than that of most other Canadian politicians. It is a shame that the most noteworthy part of his career happens to be his tremendous loss in the 2011 federal election. It is also unfortunate that Ignatieff will go down in history as "Michael Ignatieff...just visiting" as a result of an attack ad. This was where Ignatieff truly failed. He failed to achieve the image Canadian's expect of their Prime Minister. Instead, he ended up being illustrated as an outsider who only returned to Canada to seek election for his own personal interest. Ignatieff does put too much of the blame for his mistakes on the other political parties, mainly the Harper Conservative's, in Fire and Ashes. He and his staff were unprepared to handle modern attack ads. Rather than simply brushing them off, Ignatieff corroborated them by going on the
“The past is to be respected and acknowledged but not to be worshipped. It is our future in which we find our greatness.” These words were written by Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau, who paved the way for the great Canadian future present today. Pierre Elliott Trudeau was an indispensable leader who guided Canada to greatness, he brought biculturalism and bilingualism to Canada, believed in equality and protecting human rights. Pierre Elliott Trudeau’s accomplishments paved the way for a greater Canadian future because he became the leader Canada needed for protecting human rights, evolving Canada's language and by giving Canada the confidence it needed to succeed.
Badeaux, Guy , Mike Duffy, and Charles Gordon. Portfoolio '88: the year in Canadian caricature.
In 1957, John Diefenbaker took the spot of the Official Opposition leader against the Liberal party who at the time was lead by St. Laurent. Diefenbaker did not support the new budget which was presented. This forced Parliament to dissolve in April of that year and have an election on June 10th. St. Laurent was extremely confident about winning the election as the Liberals had been in power since 1948. St. Laurent’s confidence was such that he did not even bother to make any recommendations to the Governor General to fill the 16 vacancies in the Senate before dissolving the government. During the election campaign Diefenbaker was portrayed to the country as a people’s person, who was honest with small town values. He was popular in the Prairie Provinces as he connected with the people. He had grown up in Saskatchewan and understood the culture of the prairies. Three months before the election took place a census of how Canadians would vote was conducted. It showed that 46.8% of Canadians planned to vote for the Liberal party and only 38% for the Conservatives. In the next three months this would change considerably because of a
"We have something special here, something we don 't want to lose. We have a way of life, a way of looking at ourselves, a way of reacting to the world. Mr. Mulroney 's trade deal will change all that. It will make us a little more then a junior partner of the United States. I believe in a strong, sovereign independent Canada. I believed that we are now talented enough and competent enough and tough enough to make our own choices, for our own future, in our own way. I need your support on November 21st. You and I must not allow Mr. Mulroney to sell us out, to reverse 120 years of Canadian history, to destroy the Canadian dream."(6-7)
What most surprised me this week was just how similar, by the 1980s, the Progressive-Conservatives and the Liberals when it came to government policy. It is also an interesting commentary on the historical narrative when comparing how Pierre Trudeau and Brian Mulroney in contemporary historiography.
idea of turning Canada back to its original roots. He compares Harper's government system with Pierre Trudeau’s. Arguing about the struggles and failures of
I figured it was appropriate that the author did not place the blame on one party. Instead, he addressed the various individuals in Canada that were not providing a fair education in its national and political history as well as for the reasons why this is such a big deal. This book was educational as it gave readers brief and sometimes precise examples, like how Canadians lack national and political conscience within the academic curriculum. The Country’s educational system needs to do a better job training its educators and ultimately restructuring curriculums to deal with our current problems. The book's exterior appearance is bright red, and often red, is associated with power. I believe that this book has the authority to make readers think about their experience concerning Canadian history - but unfortunately, a majority of the population does not know enough of its history to learn from the mistakes and successes of our predecessors. Along with the strengths of this book (argumentative perspective, educational, and exterior appearance), there were a few weaknesses as well. To elaborate on Granasteins effort, I believe he wrote from an androcentric perspective. There were times when he sounded like a grumpy old historian man. I think his little rants reduced the effectiveness of the book. He made many prejudice remarks concerning multiculturalism and social history (gender studies, urban, economics, demographics, etc.). Since history is an accumulation of time periods and each period varies in length, and the intensity of the events, it might be tough to establish the nation's needs for clear, measurable standards for history. There is only so much information that an individual’s brain can retain for a period before they start losing
Tom Mulcair will try to make Canada a better country to live in and to make a better and sustainable life for adults, children and seniors. Not everyone is getting the job they want and Tom Mulcair will try his best to change that to full employment. Everyone will receive the same high standard of health care. Child poverty rate is only 1%, it will be 20%. Access to education is available to anyone who wants and needs it. NDP will fight for EPA (education protection act). National debt will be improved to a better standard. Tom Mulcair will help anyone he can. Every chance he gets he’ll try to bring people together. He will give kids a better experience. Tom Mulcair will provide seniors things they need. He is going to give middle-class families
My choice of whom my subject is isn’t as typical as the Popular choice of ‘Donald Trump’, or ‘Justin Trudeau’. This essay is about Naheed Nenshi, the re-elected mayor of Calgary.
Opposing the belief that a dominating leader is running Canada, Barker brings up several key realities of the Canadian government. He gives examples of several “… instances of other ministers taking action that reveal the limits prime-ministerial power,” (Barker 178). Barker conveys the fact that Canada is not bound by a dictatorial government, “…it seems that the prime minister cannot really control his individual ministers. At times, they will pursue agendas that are inconsistent with the prime minister’s actions,” (Barker 181). Both inside and outside government are a part of Canada and they can remind the prime minister that “…politics is a game of survival for all players,” (Barker 188). Barker refutes the misinterpretation of the Canadian government by acknowledging that a prime-ministerial government existing in Canada is an overstatement.
success. He will forever be known as one of the greatest Prime Ministers in Canadian
Pierre Elliot Trudeau was arguably one of the most vivacious and charismatic Prime Ministers Canada has ever seen. He wore capes, dated celebrities and always wore a red rose boutonniere. He looked like a superhero, and often acted like one too. Some of the landmark occurrences in Canadian history all happened during the Trudeau era, such as patriating the constitution, creating the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and the 1980 Quebec Referendum. However, it is Trudeau’s 1969 “white paper” and the Calder legal challenge which many consider to be one of his most influential contributions to Canadian history.
Essay: What were the political ideals of Pierre Trudeau? To what extent did he live up to those ideals during his years as Prime Minister?
In this essay, I will demonstrate that the Prime Minister is powerful and can cause many potential dangers by analyzing different elements inside and outside of our government over the period of different Prime Ministers throughout the Canadian political history.
In 1971 when the Conservatives ended the Socred hold on power, the Conservative Party succeeded by “neutralizing ideology and focusing on ‘safe change,’ that is, a change of faces but not policies.” The 1971 election brought into office the Progressive Conservative Party under the leadership of Peter Lougheed; Lougheed than served as premier until 1985, when he was replaced by Don Getty. In 1986 general election, Alberta PC win the election with 61 seats, NDP getting 16 seats, liberal getting 4 seats in the Legislative Assembly of Alberta and Alberta PC also win 1989 general election of Alberta. Getty’s decision to resign in 1992 “ushered in the leadership election that provides the point of departure.” Alberta’s electoral history