Minority Candidates Advantages And Disadvantages

I consider it to be both a strength and a weakness being a minority. I would say in some instances it helps because, it can contribute to bringing someone outside their comfort zone. Also being a minority has it's benefits for things such a funding for different programs and also grants for projects. On the other hand, I feel as though being a minority can be in many ways but one a weakness. Being a black female in society has it's ups and downs just because of the way the world revolves. Walking into a room being starred at for being natural in choice of hair or being asked "Is that your real hair?" can be very redundant. Being told that obviously being black has its "ghetto" qualities before even speaking with a person can also be a con.

Fundraising success correlates strongly with electoral success. In 2002, 95 percent of House winners raised more than their opponents. In 2004, more than 95 percent of House winners outspent their opponents. (4 “Money Is the Victor in 2002 Midterm Elections,” Center for Responsive Politics, Nov. 6, 2002. 5 “2004 Election Outcome: Money Wins,” Center for Responsive Politics, Nov. 3,

During the 2012 presidential elections, many of the vote turnout rates revealed that the minority vote was the most decisive and important vote for the election. In fact, the minority vote, in 2012, was accredited for Barrack Obama’s presidential incumbency. An example analysis of the aforementioned statement was shown in the Minority Turnout Determined the 2012 Election article by William H. Frey. In his article Frey reports that “[the] increased minority turnout was indeed responsible for Obama’s win in the 2012 election… during this period, the (typically Democratic leaning) combined Black and Hispanic electorate rose to approach nearly quarter of eligible voters” (The Brookings Institution). Frey’s research helps illustrate how crucial,

Forty six years later the NAACP and the NAACP Legal Defense Fund released Defending Democracy: Confronting the Modern Barriers to Voting Rights in America; a report revealing that there is a connection “between the trend of increasing, unprecedented African American and Latino voter turnout and an onslaught of restrictive measures across the country designed to stem electoral strength

How the republican party gain black-american votes, is more or less the same as the democratic party gained votes using their own strategies. As both parties have been influencing minorities, ethnic groups have been sought after as voting blocs and attracted by one or another political party based on agendas designed specifically for them (Zake and Gormly, 469–490). This offers insight on how strategies were used not just by the republican but also by the democratic party, this insight offers an opposing viewpoint of Brown that the Republican party was not the only party to use political strategies that were constructed to create diversity. There are many ways that ethnic groups and minorities have been part of political content, during the 1930s the Democratic Nationalities Division found itself engaged in political work even in the periods between the election campaigns and its task was to generate a long-term strategy for appealing to ethnic voters. It consisted of a person or two looking after foreign language affairs (Zake and Gormly, 469–490). The Democrats’ strategy was to put senators or congressmen as the leaders of these foreign languages sections and thus avoid conflicts and power competition among different leaders within the ethnic group. Doing this gives other minorities a sense of accomplishment. Going back to the republicans

26. This document demonstrates the amount of money raised by both political parties, the democrats and republicans, in 2010 to pay for their election campaign. It reveals that campaigning is very expensive in our system. This document relates to the topic interest groups in which we covered in class. Based on the document the Democratic Party made the most money for campaigning, which can allocate for them winning the election that year.

This made whites worried that other groups have too much power; Abramowitz points out that white flight of “racially resentful” voters from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party has increased racial polarization down party lines (p. 35). Now Democrats rely more and more on the votes of any group of nonwhite voters. Nonwhite voters are generally more accepting of activist government, so Democrats are as well, so fiscal conservatives flee the Democratic party, so economics are polarized as well (p.33).

A representative’s constituents are not only voters of the district, but of the state as well. Scholars have evaluated the influences of polarization in the Congress over time (Jones, 2010; Theriault, 2008; Jessee and Theriault, 2012) rarely take into account the dynamics of state and local politics together in a multilevel analysis. Nor even take into account strategic spending decisions by outside groups to spend money in the district based on state-level political environment factors. This combined with presidential politics leads to possible state influences on districts, and coupled with the strategic nature of spending resources in uncompetitive elections, and presidential vote share determines whether a state or district is competitive (Abramowitz and Saunders, 2008; Dowling and Miller, 2012). Therefore, the following hypothesis is

The names of the authors that wrote an article titled Candidates and Policy in the United States Senate Elections are Gerald C. Wright and Michael B. Berkman. Although the previous literature on the subject suggests, that policy is not a major factor in the decision-making process, the article argued otherwise.

The clearest and most precise way to comprehend and analyze the data is by constructing tables and graphs in which the data can be systematically grouped in order of clearest relevance. Once the total number of in house lobbyist, outside lobbyist and money spent on lobbyist are compiled into graphs viewers will have a much simpler time dissecting and discerning the value of the data. By observing the amount of lobbyist present for these organizations and the amount of money spent on lobbyist by each organization, onlookers will began to see the expansive role lobbyist play in American politics.

People within higher economic status are more likely to be politically active due to their work experience, social position, occupation, and education. All of these reasons are intertwined into the voter’s economic status. The voter’s political position within their community makes them more likely to be involved within politics. Work experience reflects a person's education; the better educated a person is the higher a person’s income is. In addition, a person's occupation establishes the voter within their economic category. A person social position is reflected by a person's income and position within their community.

The last section of the chapter focuses on Political advertisements and case studies of presidential elections. The focus of these elections was to sway the votes of white people specifically. The various candidates used the fear of minorities, especially black people, to fuel their campaign. For example, Nixon referred to the “silent majority,” which refers to the white voters in the United States. He used this strategy in order to get white Democrats to switch to being Republican. Ronald Reagan used similar tactics in his campaign by focusing on the “post-racial America” (p.64). Reagan focused on the

In the Green’s chapter How Partisan Attachment Structure Politics, the argument is made that “partisans’ sense that they are part of a team” and thus, “feel themselves to be part of the constant competition for public support and control of government that typifies party politics” (Green 219). A counterpoint could be made by justifying that partisans may genuinely feel that their own party’s candidate “has their best interests at heart”. However, after controlling for evaluations of the incumbent administration's performance, the effects of party identification still persisted (Green 219). Ultimately, party identification “predicts the vote because partisans pull for their team and the social groups that it symbolizes while at the same time rooting against the other party and its allied social groups” (Green 220). This assertion can be verified using the exit poll results from the 2016 election, taken from CNN. African Americans, a group that consistently votes for the Democratic candidate, continued to vote for the Democratic candidate in 2016, by a 89% to 8% margin. Furthermore, Donald Trump dominated his key demographic, uneducated white voters, by a 66% to 29% margin (“2016 Election Exit Polls”). This is consistent with the idea that “partisans pull for their team and the social groups it symbolizes” as Barack Obama won the African-American vote by a

Early voting statistics in presidential elections provide us with demographic data that helps us understand the characteristics and situations of the citizens who are most likely to take advantage of early voting. After watching the video “Rachel Maddow – GOP targets Democratic turnout with war on early voting,” one can become very interested in the concept that African Americans, minorities, and Democrats makeup the majority of voters who take advantage of this system of early voting.

While the 2012 election was a close race, it ultimately came down to the presence of minorities to determine the outcome of the vote. The change came down to a few factors, first a shift in the turnout of different groups of eligible voters, a change in preferences for the candidates they vote for and the eligible voter population had changed significantly demographically. They stated how the black turnout rose nearly two percent and has been the highest since 1968 when they first began conducting the census surveys. After Barack Obama was elected president, many Americans believed that we would transition into a post racial society, but as we see the numerous instances of racial conflicts keep happening we see that this is far from true. I