Most Credible Destabilizer: A Case Study

In the late 1890s, tensions between China and Japan were growing. China’s power was growing into the early 1900s as it converted to Nationalism. Japan felt the need to expand and conquer because they had been forced into the modern age by the United States, and they believed it was their destiny to exert government over other nations (Chang 23-24). The Japanese felt the need to do something before China became “too powerful to be conquered” (Chang 28-29). This put Japan on the path to war with China (Chang 25).

In time, China was hoped to find that social and political freedom is the only basis of that greatness. The United States has helped nurture this change by cooperating with China where possible, without allowing the differences that do exist, such as human rights, and nonproliferation commitments to interfere.

The program includes initiatives to bolster the national economy and gain global influence through exploiting natural resources, increased missile program, and development of a eugenics program to foster a greater generation (Lieberthal 3). The program is an attempt by China to become a world power by the end of the decade. While China has started developing these programs it is still necessary for them to build a large amount of infrastructure to become a global leader. People that worry about China’s comprehensive national power program fear a slow increase of China’s influence in global conflicts and economic presence. While a slow increase in China’s influence would change the global dynamic, America would remain as a global power. However if war with China and a large selloff of American debt, China would quickly rise to as a global power by reducing America’s economic stability. War with China and a selloff of United States debt would create drastic changes in American stability, and should be of greater concern than China’s comprehensive national power

The major actors involved in the Chinese challenge include the US government, the Chinese Government, US and Chinese businesses, and the American Citizens. When analyzing the hierarchy of goals for the Chinese government, it is important to note that the Chinese Communist Party is not democratically elected. Their mandate to govern has been based on China’s strong economic performance. Above all else, it is crucial for the Chinese government to maintain its economic success. 29% of China’s GDP is composed of exports of goods and services.

Throughout most of history, East Asia and more specifically China has been the cradle of civilization. Only until a few hundred years ago did China and most of the developing world today regress into the states they have been for the past several hundred years. For the past 100 years the US has been the world’s most powerful country, economically, militarily, and culturally; however China is resurging and is now in a position that is equal and perhaps greater to the US’s power.

China’s ‘peaceful rise’ policy defined China’s foreign relations strategy since Deng Xiaoping promote the ‘opening up’ philosophy since 1979. China acknowledges the significance of international cooperation and global governance to its economic development, as Barry Buzan observed, ‘China put its own economic development as top priority, and deduced from that the need for stability in its international relations both regionally and globally’. What is more, in 2005, Zheng Bijian wrote that ‘China’s peaceful rise will further open its economy so that its population can serve as a growing market for the rest of the world, thus providing increased opportunities for – rather than posing a threat to – the international

China’s position as a superpower was achieved through the great suffrage of all of its citizens. Many would argue that China doesn’t deserve its position in the world, due to the millions of innocent deaths due to the violations of human rights. However, China’s future is bright. For example, China changed its One-Child Policy to a Two-Child Policy in 2016, after about 35 years of loss of rights, family control, and murders. This improvement is one of many that China has taken into their hands to improve. The world should look at China’s improvement, rather than its past, and acknowledge that China is trying to make China a better place than its previous China, no matter how hard that may

In addition, Nye claims that Layne conflates relative economic decline with absolute political decay (Nye 2012, 215). To differentiate between the two, the author argues for the importance of a holistic interpretation of international preponderance (Nye 2012, 215). Such an understanding considers economic and military power separately, and allows for economic competition within the state system without polarity shift (Nye 2012, 215). Nye then discusses constraints on Chinese power that he believes Layne dismisses too easily (Nye 2012, 216). Among these are trends of slow growth associated with international economic adolescence, internal political tensions, regional competitors such as Japan and India, and the basic level of Chinese manufacturing ability (Nye 2012, 216). Moreover, Nye claims that American military preponderance will allow the United States to shape the geopolitical environment in which China defines its national interests for at least the next three decades (Nye 2012, 216). For these reasons, Nye determines Layne’s claims to be over-exaggerated and inconsistent with his theoretic perception of contemporary global politics (Nye 2012,

China’s main goal is to become a major player in world politics, more specifically the main player. In sorts they wish to be in the same position as the United States; they wish to be involved in all major political decisions and

The first initiative included a more peaceful diplomatic relationship between China and Japan during Deng’s early years as the leader of China. In 1978, he made a successful visit to Japan, which allowed for both countries to strengthen their relationship. In a Tokyo press conference regarding the Sino-Japanese Treaty of Peace and Friendship, Deng’s anti-hegemony clause promised that his nation will never become hegemonic and that China will oppose all countries that sought dominance. At that time, he was referring to the Soviet Union and Vietnam (Zhang 53). In the same treaty, Deng wished to “set aside disputes and to pursue joint development” between China and Japan. He stressed that when both countries normalize relations, the issue of the disputed Diaoyu (Senkaku) Islands should not be involved and that they should set the issue aside if no agreement can be reached at the moment: stating, “our generation do not have enough wisdom to resolve the issue, the next generation will have more wisdom, and I am sure that they can find a way acceptable to both sides to settle this issue (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the People’s Republic of China). As a result, Deng chose foreign policy objectives to avoid disputes with other countries like Japan, through using the KLP strategy in order to actively develop its economy and

Liu's (2012) article for Time magazine, entitled, "Why China's Rise is Great for America" was triggered by his having encountered a book called Becoming China's Bitch. Liu (2012) expected a "xenophobic rant" about the "sinister, relentless yellow horde" but instead read "a squishy pile or moderate policy recommendations," (p. 1). The topic of China's economic power and its relationship to America's dwindling political and economic clout is one of the most topically relevant. Liu (2012) talks about America's "profound problems" including a "faltering educational and physical infrastructure," (p. 1). China has its own problems, notes Liu (2012). Both countries are now enmeshed in a codependent or mutually interdependent, to put a positive spin on it relationship. The author notes that whereas once the discourse included fearful references to the Communist threat; that now the literature is filled with talk about the decline of the USA.

From an international relations perspective, the Taiwan Strait, one of the most likely conflict zones in the Asia-Pacific region, has been dubbed the “Balkan Peninsula of the East.” The status of Taiwan has been one of the most intricate issues in international relations arena for the past decades. The Taiwan question is essentially an extension of the “two Chinas” problem, which creates a dilemma for accommodating

The People’s Republic of China (PRC) has become more integrated and willing to cooperate within the global political and economic systems than ever in its history. However, there is growing apprehension in the Asia-Pacific region and the U.S. in regards to the consequences of rising in economic and military power in China. Descriptions about Chinese diplomacy in the policy and scholarly are less positive lately concerning China’s obedience to regional and international rules. There was little debate in the U.S. and elsewhere in regards to whether China was or was not part “the international community.” Scholars and experts in the early 1990s have contended

Under these circumstances, Taiwan’s bid for independence, particularly over the last few decades, hardly constitutes shock or surprise, though the development of a deeply entrenched stalemate between China and Taiwan to the extent of potential warfare resulting thereof places the welfare of China, Taiwan, and, potentially, the international community, in a surprising level of political and economic danger. The initial response from China in regard to Taiwanese independence established a precedent for military coercion in order to integrate Taiwan into the PRC, and resulted in a standoff between Beijing and Taipei in regard to negotiation and compromise, from which, ironically, neither will budge. Overall, regardless of the final decision on Taiwanese independence from China, the political stalemate on both sides of the

In the 21st century, the rise of china has become the most remarkable event in the international relations. China is one of the fastest growing economy in the world. Many researchers used factionalism as a means to define Chinese foreign policy because of the conflict among the top leaders during the revolutionary period. Chinese foreign policy has become more pragmatic and sophisticated. By joining the World Trade Organization, the country increased its participation in the global economy (Hao, Y., & Hou, Y, 2009).My research topic is on the Chinese foreign policy towards North East Asian countries. This paper concentrates on the Chinese foreign relations with North East Asian countries like Japan, Korea, Taiwan and Russia (Zhao, Q, 1997)