Muller's Varying Political Uses Of Populism

Your thesis and supporting arguments allow the reader to understand the importance of establishing a country that allows a betterment for all individuals. The movements of the late 1800’s and early 1900’s were trying in their own ways to lookout for all Americans, not just the wealthy and privileged. As industrialization was taking over the county, there was a divide happening between the social classes. Your post clearly explains how the Populist, the Labor, and the Progressive movements each believed that their way was the best to help the “common folk”. The Populist Party understood the importance that the country was on the cusp of heading in a new direction by proclaiming “Our country finds itself confronted by conditions for which

In the past, citizens held mostly absent minded opinions on European Union politics, but today there exists great polarization in attitudes about European integration. The apparent rise in “Euroskepticism” in the post-Maastricht Treaty political environment has been widely discussed and debated in EU scholarship, and marks a stark change from the elite dominated days bygone. EU issues have increasingly made their way into the politics of national governments, and subsequently national citizens have become more thoughtful in their critiques of European integration. In this paper, I will first discuss the three approaches to explain public opinion on EU integration. Second, I will explore the impact political parties and elections play in

The Decline of Young Canadian Voters In Margaret Adsett’s article on young voters in Canada, she discusses the growing problem of low youth involvement in politics. In the paper, she tries to explain why the number of young voters has gone down from 70 per cent to 40 per cent between 1970 and 2000.

The Populist Party, also known as the people’s party, was a third party political option in the primary election for president during the late 18th century. It played a major role as a left-wing force in American politics. The party mainly drew its support from angry farmers in the

The sociological approach of cleavage theory emphasises the importance of people’s social positions in explaining support for political parties and voting behaviour (Lipset and Rokkan 1967). The main assumption is that political and voting behaviour are shaped by social divides such as social class, religion or geographical place of residence.

While the Populists failed to win national office or displace either or both of the major parties, they significantly affected the American political and administrative systems. A large number of the Populist requests, which came across as radical and compelling in the 1890s, shortly afterwards. By 1920 we elected U. S. senators directly, a federal income tax was in operation, railroad regullations significantly, protective tariffs had been lowered, short-term credit had been made available in rural areas, etc. While the Populists were unable to enact their platform during their existence, they prepared the way for these adjustments to an advanced, more complicated American society.

The purpose of populism is to relief the working class from the exploitation by the privileged elite but many politicians use it as a disguise for their personal benefits.(Miller, 2017) “punishes the least well-off first, exactly the ones who are supposed to benefit from populist policies.” This shows that populism honestly does not work and is not influential; it is just used as make-believe.

5. Conclusion: In conclusion, populism will have an adverse impact on Western democracies. Given its inherent anti-pluralist and authoritarian ideology, populism acts as a hostile force to the core democratic principles, such as rule by the people and isonomy. Also discussed herein was the misidentification of anti-establishment politicians as populists and the argument that populism is a weapon against increasing plutocracy and oligarchy in democratic systems. In the misidentification of anti-establishment politicians as populists, the media should be mindful that being a critical citizen should be commonplace and present in a healthy democracy. As a result, it should have little bearing on who is a true populist and the media should focus

The long term misunderstanding and simplification of RIGHT vs. LEFT terminology in political discourse is responsible for the misconception that “The RIGHT” with its emphasis on traditional, nationalistic, conservative or religious values is inevitably a step in the direction of the FAR RIGHT "ending in Fascism." Yet history has demonstrated that both political extremes share a basic common appeal to the “masses” and depend on a collectivist ideology that glorifies abstractions such as "The Nation," "The People," "The Throne" or "The Working Class."

In an effort to further understand extreme Right parties, scholars have broken into two dominant camps: the demand-side/externalist camp and the electoral- behavior internalist camp. The externalist camp views the extreme Right as the product of a series of external factors- they analyze the economic, social, cultural environments that preceded the rise of the far right (Blee, 2007). This camp adopts a macro-level approach when studying the extreme right and as such look at immigration, anti-establishment sentiment, social breakdown, the ‘losers’ of modernization, and the reaction to the ‘new’ politics of feminists and ecologists (Goodwin, 2006). Although he admits that externalism points scholars in the right direction, Goodwin says this

Wattenburg 's book is one which discusses the many facets which encompas the issues found in several democracies where young people as a whole are failing to vote. The main thesis is placing voting in the province of the old and as a pattern not unique to Americans but

The generation which sustained democracy through and after the Second World War is dying, and the baby boom that followed is passing into old age (Youniss 99). An older generation can ignore addressing the issues of climate change, social security, and lack of cooperation among elected officials, but today’s children and youth have to deal with the consequences (98). A democratic society should worry because we are not preparing youth to engage in politics and community affairs (Syvertsen et al 593). A new electorate unwilling to act will allow these problems to continue unattended and to worsen.

In this part I want to summarize the preceding analysis of the relationship between discourse and affect in Laclau's theory of populism as well as in Massumi's affect theory and to synthesize major points so as to render their positions complementary. As it was stated in the introduction and then

The American people feel powerless and are extremely uneducated in relation to politics government, and the world around them. Civic participation is considered a fruitless measure in the minds many American citizens. When interviewed on the subject; many depict themselves as a minute part of a huge entity in which they have no control. Others expressed a lack of time and energy that it takes to be involved, or a dependence on the country as a whole - to make the right decisions. The understanding of democracy and its principals are concepts of an unknown territory that is feared in relation to a general lack of education on the subject. Therefore, civic participation continues to plummet. Moreover, lack of education in government

This distinctive political “disengagement” can indeed be observed with increasing effect through history. From dropping voter turnouts to the impassive response of the public to what can only be called political tomfoolery, it is evident that today, more than ever, society is politically disengaged. Political culture along with various other socio-cultural factors is often blamed on both sides of this accusation.