Nell Vyse's Life As A Communist

The 1951 Referendum was a key impact of the threat of communism during 1945 - 1950’s. On the 22nd September 1951 Robert Menzies proposed the ‘Communist Party Dissolution Bill’, which was passed, but on the day of the passing the law was then challenged

In Sheila Fitzpatrick’s essay, The Bolshevik Invention of Class: Marxist Theory and the Making of “Class Consciousness” in Soviet Society, she discusses the Bolsheviks view and struggle with class. It seems as though the thesis for this paper is stated right away, when the author notes that

Beginning in the early 1950s, Senator Joseph McCarthy released a monumental rampage across the United States. For fear of governmental infiltration by Communists, an outbreak of accusations swept the nation as a result of the Wisconsin senator, and helped create what is known as the second Red Scare (“McCarthyism”)

The fear of communism in Australia spread concern throughout governments and citizens, thus undermining Australia’s plans for a secure future, from 1945 to the 1950’s. Following the world war epidemics, Australia, along with the entirety of the world, longed for security and peace within and between countries. There was a fundamental concern of this peripheral safety being taken away. Even though ‘post war’ Australia promoted the economic and political stability, it was certainly a time of alarm and tension. This ultimate fear of communism was intertwined with politics. Throughout this essay, it will asses three main impacts of the threat of communism on Australian domestic politics. These impacts will be: The Menzies propaganda against communism, the use of the Australian Communist Party Dissolution Bill, and finally the Petrov affair.

Joseph Raymond McCarthy, once a senator, is best known for his accusatory remarks on communism. During a time of cold war, opposition to McCarthy was the last thing the public wanted, in fear of being accused themselves. McCarthy led a life of almost fifty years, beginning on November 14, 1908 and ending on May 2, 1957 due to acute hepatitis and numerous additional ailments and liver problems (Reference Staff).

At the end of the 1940’s and the beginning of the 1950’s, the United States were in the midst of the Second Red Scare and a fear that Communism might over throw the American way of life. Cold War tensions were at an all time high, which only fueled the widespread fears of Communist subversion. It was here that Senator Joseph McCarthy became a public face when he began making claims that the U.S. Government, as well as many other areas of the country, including the entertainment industry, had been invaded by Soviet and Communist spies, looking to destroy America from within. Hearings before the House Un-American Activities Committee, Hollywood Blacklisting, and anti-communist activity from the FBI soon followed. McCarthy was under intense analysis

The Manifesto’s opening establishes communism as “a spectre [which] is haunting Europe” (218). At first glance, this would make communism the supernatural entity that threatens the natural world of capitalism. The

Early this monday morning, during a peaceful church gathering, a fight broke out. The aggressor, who wished to remain anonymous, snapped in a blind fury against a fellow meeting attendee after his outpouring praise of communism. Enraged, the aggressor, an outspoken libertarian, grabbed a cupful of ice water and threw it in the communists open eyes. However, moral reasons prevented the communist from retaliating because of the aggressor's unfortunate disabilities. Which had possibly prevented an even more serious attack. Afterwards, in a futile attempt to save face the disabled boy denied all claims of assault.

     The Communist Manifesto was written by two world renowned philosophers, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. This book was produced in an era of great suffering and anguish of all workers in a socially distressed system. In a time when revolutions were spreading through Europe like wildfire, Marx organized his thoughts and views to produce the critical pamphlet “The Communist Manifesto”. Marx’s scrutiny illustrates his belief that unless change is to occur the constant outcome will repeatedly remain uniform. This is a novel that displays the differentiation between the Bourgeois and the Proletariat. Class relationships are defined by an era's means of production. Marx’s

Set at the end of the Cold War in East Germany, the movie Goodbye Lenin is the story of a young man, Alex, trying to protect his mother, Christiane, who just spent the last eight months in a coma. Christiane is a personification of the values and ideology of socialism. She carries them out in her interactions with society, and is very hopeful towards the success of the regime. During her absence, the fall of the Berlin Wall and of the German Democratic Republic leads to a radical and turbulent change in society: the fall of socialism and the triumph of capitalism. Because of the shocking effect of such information and the danger of another heart attack, Alex creates for Christiane an ideological form of socialism. Fundamental themes in the movie are the difference between ideal and reality of socialism, as well as the positive and negative aspects of the transition to free market capitalism. Such themes are carried out through a juxtaposition of an ideal society and its reality in the form of a constructed reality of socialism. This idealized version of socialism served as an oasis from the chaotic transition from a problematic socialist regime to free market capitalism.

In this extract, the Labour Party, and Attlee, do not only detail a programme for the oncoming elections – they also hugely criticize the Conservative Party and their faith in capitalism and privatization of the industries. They defend the lower classes by saying that the Tories have installed in the UK “a restrictive anti-social monopoly or cartel agreements – caring for their own capital structures and profits at the cost of lower standard of living for all.” (l. 28-29). That is to say that the Conservative Party only wanted to make profit by installing a capitalist society to the expense of the lower classes, which were poorer than ever during the Great Depression, and that this type of society only profited the richer classes and the elite. Indeed, capitalism is a type of society whose bases are above all the private property of

“I try to think of the Labour movement, not as putting an extra sixpence into somebody’s pocket, or making somebody Prime Minister or Premier, but as a movement bringing something better to the people, better standards of living, greater happiness to the mass of the people. We have a great objective – the light on the hill – which we aim to reach by working for the betterment of mankind not only here but anywhere we may give a helping hand.” This is but a short excerpt of Ben Chifley’s famous ‘Light on the Hill’ speech in 1949, but it shows the extent of his political aptitude and beliefs as a true believer in the Labour movement. He is best recognised for his leadership in the Keynesian, interventionalist reconstruction of the Australian economy following the Second World War and also his tenure as the architect of the Australian welfare state since 1945.

Drafted in 1848 by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels, the “Manifesto of the Communist Party” outlines the views, tendencies, and aims of the communist party through the so-called philosophy of historical materialism (Distante). These views were expressed throughout four distinct sections of the “Manifesto of the Communist Party.” The first section describes the relationship between the bourgeois and the proletarians. The next section depicts the relationship between the proletarians and the communists. The third section of the document presents socialist and communist literature. The “Manifesto…” is ended with a section stating the position of the communists in relation to opposition

Why are people against Communist? J. Edgar Hoover, Sidney Hook, and William O. Douglas have written articles about their opinion relating to Communist expanding throughout our Nation. Communism is a social organization based on the ownership controlled all economic and social activities. J. Edgar Hoover, Sidney Hook, and William O. Douglas have numerous points of view on Communism. Their voices and minds reveals that Communist is not who they say they are.

In the chapter, “Manifesto of the Communist Party” in The Marx-Engels Reader book, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels had broken up the topic of the Communist Party up to four parts: 1. “Bourgeois and Proletarians”, 2. “Proletarians and Communists”, 3. “Socialist and Communist Literature”, and 4. “Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing Opposition Parties.” In this essay, I’ll be focusing on the first two parts of the “Manifesto” since there are so much information to cover within three to four pages. To begin I would like to summarize, “Bourgeois and Proletarians” was about the vicious cycle of the proletariats having to constantly fight the socioeconomic classes above them considering that they are always exploited, yet they have no norms (“appropriation”) of their own to secure or embrace. “Proletarians and Communists” was where Marx and Engels define what Communism is, how it relates to the Proletarians, and how Communism works (or would work). History can be trace back to the class/political struggles; the oppressed fighting against their oppressors; the “subordinate gradations”. Subordinate gradation was defined as a social rank, where the highest power is at the top and the weakest is at the bottom. However, when old subordinate gradation falls another one would rise, that was the cycle. Marx and Engels went on to make a statement that the current class antagonisms are between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The proletariat is defined as the