Columbia University was a place of great tension between students and university staff in 1968. Students, some as young as late teenagers, protested against the school with strikes and sit-ins, and the situation escalated to the point where the university chose to use the New York Police Department force the students out. The two groups responsible for the protests were the the Student-Afro American Society (SAS) and the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). Although the SDS had violent motivations and militant ideals during this period when racial tension was high, the SAS was a peaceful and nonviolent group, and considering factors such as support from outside communities, the roles of social class, the groups’ leadership styles, and ultimate …show more content…
Harlem and other communities around the nation showed support for the protesters. In Tom Hayden’s “Two, Three, Many Columbias”, he states “...This process can only lead to greater unity in the movement… Support from outside the university communities can be counted on in many large cities…”(333).
It shows that the more Columbia was denying change, the more people that began to oppose them. People were tired of being mistreated and were siding with each other to make a change. The university continued to refuse basic social needs for the people, and the movement grew stronger and more unified as a result.
The SDS and SAS’s social background influenced how the situation unfolded. In Blake Slonecker’s piece “The Columbia Coalition: African Americans, new Leftists, and counterculture at the Columbia University protest of 1968”, he includes that “Of the 109 injuries specified in the NYPD’s interim report on the ordeal, only 32 occurred in or near the five occupied buildings”(10). It evident that the police didn’t use violence to clear the buildings, but rather to assert their dominance over the protestors. The NYPD used excessive and unnecessary force against the students, notably those in Hamilton Hall. Since the SAS had dismissed the SDS from their commune, the majority of the occupants of Hamilton Hall were black. This
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The SAS was organized, efficient, and had only one leader, unlike the SDS which lacked structure and consistency. In Bradley’s “‘This is Harlem Heights”: Black Student Power and the 1968 Columbia University Rebellion,” he includes “...the members of SAS had grown frustrated with the back and forth decision making that SDS used….” This shows that the SDS’s lack of efficiency was causing a conflict between the two groups. The SDS had no specific leader and took everyone’s perspective into account , while the SAS followed a leader who structured protests to support their
The civil rights movement of the sixties is one of the most controversial times of the last century. Many, if not all, who lived through that time, and the generations following were enormously impacted. At the time passions ran so high that violence at peaceful
In the first presentation, I noticed an event called the Greensboro Sit-ins. This was a single event that sparked a nationwide movement and flood of support for the civil rights movement and the issue of business owners withholding service from those who were not white. On February 1st, 1960, 4 students of the North Carolina Agricultural and Technical State University sat at a whites-only lunch table, requested service, and were then denied and asked to leave. When they left, they went to tell campus leaders what had happened and as a result gained people that wanted to participate in the sit-in. It is said that “the next morning twenty-nine neatly dressed male and female [NCATSU] students sat at the Woolworth’s lunch counter,” the same counter where those first four students sat (NorthCarolinaHistory.org). After this happened, protests occurred each week and hundreds of students were showing up at Woolworth’s. Following this, more and more students from around the US were staging sit ins at segregated lunch counters as a form of non-violent protest against discrimination.
To begin this movement, after the arrest of claudette colvin they began a boycott in which they asked all African-American citizens to stay off the buses. In the text it exclaims “we therefore are asking every negro to stay off of the buses Monday in protest of the arrest and trial. Don’t ride the buses to work, to town, to school, or anywhere on Monday.”This meant that the NAACP felt angry about the equality and treatment that they were given on buses, and if they stayed off the buses the company that managed the buses would lose a lot of money, because the majority of the riders were African-American.And a loss of money for a company like that could be devastating. Also many people were happy that a young person stood up against certain laws that man are or were afraid of, because they would either get arrested or even killed, in the text (Pg. 39) it says “The wonderful thing which you have just done makes me feel like a craven coward.How encouageing it would be if more adults had you courage, self-respect and integrity.” This was told to her by a man in Sacramento,CA, meaning that the U.S lacked people who stood up against racism and other problems in the nation, and also it means that it should ashame adults because it took young person to make a change in society.Claudette colvin fought to the end to make a change in
Through the rise of groups such as the Black Panther Party, violence became increasingly prevalent. “The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense calls upon the American people in general and the black people in particular to take careful note of the racist California Legislature which is now considering legislation aimed at keeping the black people disarmed and powerless at the very same time that racist police agencies throughout the country are intensifying the terror, brutality, murder, and repression of black people (Document F).” As a result of the lack of movement on the bill previously proposed my Kennedy to remove segregation, many African-Americans began to give up on this method of peaceful protest. “All of these efforts have been answered by more repression, deceit, and hypocrisy (Document F).” This is because as it appeared to them, it was not working and had no effect on the government. Instead, they discovered a much more direct approach which, was assured to catch the eye of the government. This method was violence. “The Black Panther Party for Self-Defense believes that the time has come for the black people to arm themselves against this terror before it is too late (Document F).” Through violent “black power” groups such as the Black Panthers, the previously peaceful Civil Rights movement began to take on a new
While guns made the civil rights and freedom movement possible — Cobb admits in his interview that, there is a missed lesson. Cobb believes that what truly defines the freedom movement was not solely guns, but grassroots organizing in rural communities in the south. When discussing the violent eruption on East Eight Street Cobb writes, “As it had in the white community, word of the arrests had spread rapidly through the black community, who felt that James’s life and possibly his mother’s life were in peril” (Cobb). Over one hundred black people organized the night that white police officers and white supremacists went out looking for James Stephenson and his mother. Black people organized themselves and were ready to protect each other and their community using guns as self-defense. However, if it were not for guns, the black community would not have been able to organize the way it had during the Freedom Movement. The students who travelled to Mississippi and other southern states during this time eventually became the students Ella Baker organized into SNCC. These students were protected while utilizing grassroots organizing by southern black people who owned guns post war. Cobb recognizes organizing as tradition within the black community stemming from slavery through the freedom movement to present day
McKay describes one of the agitators of the Harlem riots, Sufi Hamid and the organization, the Negro Industrial and Clerical Alliance. This organization began the fight for African Americans rights to jobs on 125th street by picketing the merchants. After many influential persons joined the picket lines
One of the most elements of the book is the evolution of the organization called SNCC. SNCC (Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee) was founded in conjunction with the lunch counter sit0ins that originated in Greensboro, North Carolina in February 1960. SNCC activists were known to practice slow, tedious and patient voter registration drives in the most dangerous parts of the South. However, they seldom received credit for their efforts on a national level. Despite their lack of national attention, SNCC activists often managed to annoy white federal officials and black civil rights leaders. SNCC attracted radicals from the Revolutionary Action Movement, black nationalists from the North and a host of other mavericks. From its humble beginnings, SNCC was a peaceful group that used nonviolent methods to seek racial equality. Over the course of time, SNCC became more assertive in their methods of demanding racial equality and
Student activism was widespread during the late 1960s, as students protested a multitude of issues such as class inequalities and racial inequalities. The Third World Liberation Front of 1968 provided an avenue for student groups of color to band together against discriminatory practices in the university. The multiracial coalition consisted of six student organizations, including the Black Student Union (BSU) and the Asian American Political Alliance. The BSU was extremely important in rallying other student groups to be part of the movement to improve the lives of colored people. For example, it was a member of the BSU who approached the leaders of the Intercollegiate Chinese for Social Action (ICSA) to join forces with BSU. It was moments like these interactions that made Asian American activists realize that their own liberation could only take place in accordance with other color liberation movements. Thus, interracial affinity expressed not only to blacks, but to Latinos, Native Americans and other ethnic groups of
On February 1, 1960, four African-American college students, all freshmen, protested at a "whites only" Woolworth’s lunch counter in Greensboro, North Carolina. They insisted to be served and by doing this, they unintentionally built the foundation for a countrywide movement. After the students sat and politely requested service, the manager of the store came out and asked for them to leave. The next day, several other North Carolina Agricultural and Technical black students joined these freshmen and protested. As the days went
During this decade, the Civil Rights movement continued to gain momentum. The black community was continually persecuted and discriminated against by prejudice white individuals and figures of authority. Blacks everywhere struggled to end discrimination. They demanded the right to vote, to receive quality education, and to become respected individuals in the community which shunned them. (Sitkoff 35) Students, in particular, played a significant role in the Civil Rights Movement during the 1960's. Many college students were outraged by
In the reading “Small Change : Why the Revolution Will Not Be Tweeted,” Malcolm Gladwell discusses the act of four brave college students and their act of social activism. The four freshmen from a local all black college sat down at a counter in a diner near Greensboro, North Carolina and were denied service because of their race. The students refused to leave and instead started a protest there at the restaurant. The numbers of people protesting with the four young men increased as the story spreaded across states. The story of the sit in was done without the use of any technology or social network. Gladwell discussed the effectiveness of the sit-in because of the relationship between
700 people arrested on April 30. It also inspired student protests across the country. Today, we spend the hour looking back at this pivotal moment. We are joined by Raymond Brown, former leader of the Student Afro-American Society; Nancy Biberman, a Barnard College student who joined the protests as a member of Students for Democratic Society; Mark Rudd, chair of the Columbia Fifty years ago today, on April 23, 1968, hundreds of students at Columbia University in New York started a revolt on campus. They occupied five buildings, including the president’s office in Low Library, then students barricaded themselves inside the buildings for days. They were protesting Columbia’s ties to military research and plans to build a university gymnasium
The final movement took place at San Francisco State College and was organized by the college’s Black Student Union in 1966. They demanded that Black Studies become a department offered at their school and they were dedicated to achieving it. After two years of strikes, demands, and negotiations the movement was successful and San Francisco State College became the first to offer a Black Studies Program and Department. (Karenga)
In recent years, college students nationwide are protesting for various causes they strongly believe in. There are peaceful and violent protests that include hunger strikes and rioting that catch the attention of the media and its viewers that follow the events. Regardless of the method the students are using the focus is that their message comes out across loud and clear. Most recently the incidents that took place at the University of Missouri on the topic of race are wildly discussed and reviewed by all. This specific incident at the University of Missouri dealt with racial equality on sports teams and on the campus which ultimately led Tim Wolfe to step down as president of the university. Some of the common reasons why students protest
By changing the name of Manor Farm to Animal Farm, the animals are establishing dominance and are saying publically that they now own the land. The change of name makes the territory of the animals; and makes surrounding farmers aware of what has happened. The name change was also the last step in the rebellion for freedom.