Policy Brief Addressed To the South African Government Regarding Intervention

In this paper I will examine the United Nation Security Council attempts at intervention in Rwanda. I will point out the interventions

Fighting between the Muslim government in Khartoumand Christian rebel forces located in southern Sudan has long been ignored.This struggle has caused nothing but devastation and depravation for in theregion. More than two millionpeople have died as a result of the conflict, including many innocent civilians. In addition, extremely valuableresources that would surely benefit the entire global economy, are beingneglected and the with the minimized benefits only helping a few . As is the case in most if not all civilwars power is what each side is struggling over. .The north and south werejoined for no good

In addition, the non-intervention by Saudi Arabia will be examined and this paper will attempt to determine why they have not become involved in the Syrian Civil War despite being a large power in

The civil war that continues to rage in Syria for the past five years has been one of both great loss and great interest. Several key actors from around the world such as the United States, Russia, Turkey, the Syrian government, Syrian rebels or National Coalition, Iran, and Saudi Arabia all have a great amount at stake based on the outcome of the war. Thus, the difficulties of negotiating peace are almost impossible to overcome, which causes great powers like that of the U.S. and Russia to use their resources in order to obtain their desired outcome. In this essay, I will be outlining the key actors, which side they are on, and what is at stake for each of them within this civil war, as well as examining how this turmoil has “[created] a haven for the Islamic State to move in.” Now let us identify the key actors who have a stake in this civil war.

I will shed the light on the Security Council which is the keystone of the United Nations system of collective security, and its role in maintaining international peace and security by settling disputes pacifically under chapter VI of the UN Charter and by taking action regarding threats, breaches, and acts of aggression under chapter VII. I will then discuss the several options that Nation states had resorted to in the past to intervene in order to protect civilians. And I will finally highlight the notion of the responsibility to protect which emerged in 2001 and its implication on populations under

As breaking news is more easily communicated across the globe, the U.N. and other states led forces are more inclined to intervene more then ever before but sometimes they are faced with the problem of protecting a states sovereignty. There is a growing skepticism that is facing humanitarian intervention when a sovereign state fails to protect it’s own population. The question arises when humanitarian intervention supersedes the sovereignty of a state. Does the state remain sovereign or does it lose authority when an outside party intervenes? Respecting a states sovereignty is a high priority between the United Nations and other state led forces, but when a sovereign state fails the responsibility protect it’s own citizens there is an unclear line that confuses the legitimacy of humanitarian intervention and it’s principles of military action. The United Nation’s humanitarian intervention, and the principles of its military action, has shown time after time of its failures and successes in combating or escalating wide spread violence. In this study I will weigh the pros and cons of several conflicts where humanitarian intervention was deployed and decide if humanitarian intervention was a successful or unsuccessful procedure. By focusing on what is causing these complications in enforcing humanitarian intervention within failed states will prove if this practice is just or not. But before I discuss these issues of

Millions of people are condemned to abuse and oppression because of the repressive policies of their own government’s, or because their governments unwillingness or inability to prevent major human rights violation. The United Nations Security Council is designed to combat this problem by providing the basis for external intervention when internal remedies are ineffective. As can be seen from the analysis of the legal framework pertaining to military intervention, it is not a matter that should be taken lightly and without a thorough consideration of the legal position, the benefits and drawbacks of intervention. However, in cases of humanitarian catastrophe, states need to be willing to intervene. It is important when considering intervention

This essay seeks to analyse the justiciability of military force under the Security Council Resolution in two different circumstances which will be seen under part (i) and part (ii) below.

“South Africa cannot escape its African destiny. If we do not devote our energies to this continent, we too could fall victim to the forces that have brought ruin to its various parts” (Mandela, 1993: 89). The South African government, after the apartheid regime, made African issues one of the pillars of its foreign policy. The government committed itself to Africa because of various reasons, however, the most obvious reason is that the country wants to show loyalty to African States who played a hand in the liberation struggle. The areas of engagement South Africa has set out for itself in the Africa-mission are the following: “the encouragement of cultural exchange; the emancipation of African women from

And is the success of Somaliland unique or can we draw general lessons for peace -and state-building from this example? Accordingly, this essay is structured into four sections. In the first part, the paper has presented the essay’s introduction. Part two will discuss the process and challenges of peacebuilding in Somaliland. The third part will present discussions on the state rebuilding efforts in Somaliland. The last part of the essay will present a brief lessons that can be drawn for peace-and state-building from

In this essay, my arguments are not entirely against the use of military force rather how the force actually is applied. Based on numbers of issues where international community has failed to address genuine humanitarian crisis and how some states have manipulated the norm and used other tools to promote and justify their interest related interventions defying the law and limiting UN as just an institution without any significant power.

According to Democratic Peace Theory, nations that are democracies do not engage with each other in direct conflict. The trade relations, democratic norms and values deter any kind of direct violence between nation states. Conflict is redirected from the battlefield to political spheres where participatory polities allow citizens to have a voice, as well as economic markets, to provide gainful employment and trade between individuals and societies. However, efforts at post-conflict reconstruction too often exchange cessation of direct violence for economic violence - through income inequality, exploitation and oppression. Governments need to carefully plan out economic policies to avoid a “second conflict”. This paper will examine South Africa as a case study to look at the transition from racial segregation and discrimination to economic isolation and marginalization. Actors that shape and influence this transitory phase include the World Bank, the IMF, local politicians, foreign investors and of course, the people.

Conflicts in Africa, specifically in West African countries have been rampant for many years. As a result of these conflicts, loss of life and properties has been witnessed for a number of decades. Conflicts are as old as human kind. We can not avoid conflicts completely but they can be managed. Since human exhibits different behaviour and aspirations, this in most cases leads to conflicts. In West African countries, such conflicts have been fueled by a number of factors and individuals with different personal motives.

The state-centric construction of the international politics has forever made forceful interventions a contentious issue. In defining forceful intervention, Pattison states that “ the conceptual condition of a forceful intervention requires the intervention to occur against someone’s wishes, particularly those who are responsible for the humanitarian crisis for the sole purpose of preventing, reducing or halting actual or impending loss of life and human suffering. It is crucial to note that this ‘humanitarian crisis’ is politically induced and is not the result of any natural disasters and that the only viable option left to deal with this circumstance is a military intervention. Hence this paper holds that a humanitarian crisis under above mentioned conditions justifies a forceful intervention i.e. a military intervention by one state in another state. The nature of these humanitarian crises has been similar throughout the history, but justifications for the interventions that follow after these crises have indeed evolved.

The following policy bried aims to resolve the question of wethere or not South Africa should or should not interven in the ongoing uprising in Assadistan. This policy brief will provide the advantages and disadvantages of South Africas intervention in Assadistan as well as possible steps which the South African government should take in resolving the current situation in North Africa and the Middle East.