Contemporary Western populism stands in a bilateral relation to digital communication: as a necessary underside of democracy, it amplifies and, at the same time, is amplified by the imbalances between the micropolitical logic of presentation and the macropolitical logic of representation, which are being constantly produced and reproduced within the digital networks. Populism points to the inevitability of macropolitics, but the current modes of governance of the digital networks tend to reinforce the micropolitical forms of practice. As this project maintains, these imbalances belong to a specific affective regime on which populism can effectively feed and where, from a theoretical point of view, the political and technological paradigms collide.
Two other great persons were Elizabeth Cady Stanton, and Frederic Douglas said in 1848 that women have an equal right to vote, but it took a struggle of 72 years after that before the politicians and the country agreed (Bolden 202). In 1919, the year after World War I ended, seventy- seven African Americans were lynched in the South, twenty of them U.S. Army veterans (Osborne 81). History has said more than a thousand words to me yes, African Americans fought hard to have the same equality, but regardless of their eagerness to learn and serve the same state like white people they were still killed and murdered. It stood for the Equal Rights Amendments that took place in 1923.
The Big Question: How did farmers, activists, workers and politicians face the problems of industrial America during the Populist and Progressive Eras?
How can Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump, who have completely different ideologies and agendas, both be considered populists? Well, firstly we must understand what it is to be an actor of populism. The purpose of this paper will be to define populism and explore its positives and negatives. Pure people versus corrupt elite, is the way Cas Mudde, defines populism (M.S., 2016). There are a lot of populists and they all have different intentions and desires for their people, therefore it could be positive or negative. A Polish religious nationalist populist fights so the elite secular liberals give institutions back to the Catholics. A Dutch secular-nationalist populist condones the multicultural elite and argues there should be a crackdown on the Islamic religion. (M.S., 2016). As we can clearly see they are great differences between the beliefs of one populist and another. Some may argue that populism is the future of government and political dominance, although many will argue that there are dangers when it comes to populism. I will discuss two disadvantages and one advantage of populism.
Media sources in current culture are construed as important as they communicate the dominant ideology promoted by the bourgeois which the lower-class public should adhere to as the correct social norm (Kress, 1988). The medium which these ideologies are shown in are important, as different medium are used by different cultures. This essay will focus on comparing print with online media through analysing the Guardian and the Australian from August 31st. This will be done by looking at the types of news shown in each, the constraints and advantages of each medium, advertising, the concept of ownership, and the way the media convinces the public of their ideologies through hegemony.
Liberalism is a set of ideologies in which the foundation of a society lies within the freedom of the individuals within it. The basic principles or values of liberalism include freedom, cooperation and the importance of human reason. Although all forms of liberalism were built upon these common principles or values, there are certain factors that assist in differentiating between them. The two most commonly known forms of liberalism include classical liberalism and modern liberalism. Both of these ideologies put an emphasis on the value of human reason and individual freedom however, they are not the same when it comes to their ideas regarding government intervention in social, political and economic factors.
The dissertation Spring Awakening, transcribed by Jose Antonio Vargas, can be beheld by the progressive ramifications cyberspace and newfangled apparatuses have to contribute to one’s epoch. Coupled with the fixation of a singular named Ghonim who had written a “fast-paced engrossing new memoir of political awakening”, which had contributed to “Serve as a touchstone for future testimonials…” (Vargas 433); to enumerate how social media is the “connective tissue of society” (by Clay Shirky), in which we as a society can rally and amalgamate under a singular basis, such as the usurpation of an oppressive authoritarian. As a result “What had bubbled up online inevitably spilled on the streets…” (Vargas 433); subsequently further demonstrates the
Polarization, populism, and erosion of democracy are all occurring. It Is important then to look at the relationship between these three things, and their potential to cause further issues. As I hope I made clear in my discussion of polarization there is a real threat to democracy that exists when people are not able to be held accountable. Polarization on its own caused the issues of gerrymandering and voter id laws that were discussed above, but more important than that is the relationship between polarization within government and populism. According to Liebermann “hyperpolarization magnifies tendencies for the partisan capture of institutions that are supposed to exercise checks and balances, but may instead be translated into unaccountable
In the past ten years the way we as a people communicate has changed greatly. No longer is it uncommon for conversations to not be face to face and now more so than ever conversations take place through text. As with any change there will be and is push back to it. The conflict over the consequences of the social media dependent society have now intensified as a result of social media playing ever greater roles in how politics is seen and even conducted. This has been a major societal question since the presidential election of 2008 and the debate has been written about, discussed, and argued by thousands of different politicians,
Technology is conceived as an actor that results in certain phenomena that have societal characteristics. In this sense, in one well-known study, Paolo Gerbaudo (2012) challenges theoretical and empirical grounds the assumption of Castells’ and others that the internet brings about leaderless movements (Fuchs, 2015: 783).
This essay explores the different relationships between social media platforms and the government to provide insight into the different ways the government uses media masses to further their agendas and how its good business is used for political gain. This essay also discusses the different ideologies and fallacies individuals have of the media’s role in society. This essay wasn’t written to persuade one either way, but rather to bring the important relationship to light, so with better understanding people can make wiser decisions as voters, consumers or investors.
Populism, states that the ordinary person is equally as powerful as a wealthy person. Yet, you mentioned that the ordinary person does not get very far, and I believe that due to the different values larger corporations and ordinary individuals have. I think the ordinary citizen, that is one is who is possibly middle class, lacks the same opportunities that the wealthy have. For example, private education or a stronger social network.
This element of the personalization of politics can be clearly seen when analyzing the rising popularity and affiliation to inclusive terms such as, “We are the 99%”, which was used within the Occupy movements. Again, Bennett explains this development as he credits, “The rise of crowd-sourced inclusive personal action frames that lowers the barriers to identification” (Bennett 2012: 21), as necessary in the formation of social fragmentation. The third social component that has allowed for the personalization of politics is the increased levels of participation and connectivity allowed through the use of social technology. An example of this component can be clearly seen when looking at the effective use of social media as a tool used for political mobilization during the Egyptian revolution of 2011. Bennett highlights this important aspect within his definition of the personalization of politics, as he states, “Participation is importantly channelled through often dense social networks over which people can share
“The mass media do not provide an adequate forum for minority views – the dissident and unorthodox.” Conversely, mass media, and the Internet in
Over the years the media has made citizens major role players in politics. Ross Perot opened eyes by putting the 1992 Election in the media and thereby allowing voters to become directly involved in politics. The Internet, the new form of mass media “has turned into a major political and media industry” (Grossman 16). Because of the rise the Internet has taken, the idea of direct democracy has risen. The foundation of direct democracy is in self-government. The claim is that the presence of the Internet will increase citizens’ involvement in political issues by allowing them access to more information. This is significant because it takes a look at the impact of technology on society and politics, as well by
Nigel Farrage is an exceptional example of the mediatization of politics; due to the growing influence of media on politics, more people can utilize the media to gain access to international political occurrences. For example, many people are aware of Brexit and Nigel Farrage’s role due to the media’s increasing presence in political processes. Similarly, Farrage utilizes media logics such as simplification and anti-establishment in his address to Trump’s followers and provides an example of how they can be central to populism.