Pushing Pause on Cross-Strait Tension: Development of an Agreement for Mutual Inaction Offers the Opportunity for China/Taiwan Negotiations

The prime definition of the so-called Taiwan Question had been, therefore, tied with the Chinese Civil War. Even though the British Government clearly stated that the retrocession has never taken place, and that Formosa and the Pescadores are territories the de jure sovereignty over which is uncertain or undetermined in 1955, the political intention of restoring the islands to China had already dominated the media back in the 1947, as the situation in Formosa was presented under the Chinese Civil War structure.

Also, after joining together Arif states that during the 1850’s China and India joined together to form alliances and that ‘’It was due to the synergy between the cultures of India and China that the nationalists and revolutionaries of India and China developed deep mutual contact that turned into friendship amidst their anti-imperialist struggle’’. 8 This reinstates the collaboration agreement between these two empires goes back as for the 18th century.

The Shanghai Communiqué was signed on the 27th of February in 1972 between our country and the Chinese. The communiqué was drafted by Henry Kissinger the National Security Adviser at the time and Chou En-lai the Chinese Prime Minister. Ultimately the communiqué pledged China and the United States to work towards normalizing their relations, expanding “people-to-people contacts” and trade opportunities. This is where Taiwan came into play. Neither side wanted to broach the subject of Taiwan, but this tiny island was a massive block throughout the negotiations. However, neither China nor the United States was going to let China hinder the start of their developing new relationship.

In deciding on which course of action would be the most appropriate in resolving the Taiwan-China conflict, it would be necessary to understand the conflict and the attempts made to resolve such conflict to have a proper perspective on the issue. It would also help to analyze why the previous techniques were not successful before adopting any policy recommendation to resolve the conflict.

In Christopher Coker’s book The Improbable War, is explaining to the reader why a war between The United State and China, is not impossible but, improbable meaning that it is possible. The author states that we can learn from history if we take the right lessons from it. The book is showing what the proper lessons from the world’s history are. The book aims to have the reader by the end not rule out the chance of war between the two major powers. One the rising power quickly becoming the second biggest world economies and looking to become the number one economy in the world. The other is the long standing number one economy in the world, that unlike times before will not relinquish their number one spot and all that comes with it. The scope of the book is to integrate history of conflicts and conflicts happening now and apply them to the probable ‘Sino-American’ war that could take place sometime in our not so distant future. The book calls upon other authors view and opinions to give the reader a wide range of views, instead of just one throughout the analysis.

Shaped by the British and western idea of democracy, Hong Kong is continually conflicted with China because of their different political systems. Facing the truth that non-democratic China also experienced a rapid growth in economy, it 's hard to tell which side has both moral and practical advantages. However, besides the political discord, both China and Hong Kong are facing the

In July 2013, Wenweipo - the pro-PRC Chinese-language newspaper published an article titled “Six Wars China is sure to fight in the next 50 years”. According to this article, after unification of Taiwan (year 2020 to 2025), China will take the second war: Reconquest of Spratly Islands (year 2025 to 2030) and “China will send the ultimatum to countries surrounding the Islands with the deadline of 2028. The countries having disputes on the sovereignty of Islands can negotiate with China on preserving their shares of investments in these Islands by giving up”. In 1999, two Chinese military colonels – authors of the book namely “Unlimited War” suggested using an “unlimited war” to solve the disputing in the South China Sea. These authors said that, to avoid a war does not mean that not using military force and a conflict is indispensable. However, there is one more important thing that to control the intensities of conflict that. It is necessary to conduct some special activities to prove the sovereignty of China in the disputing Spratly Islands but do not let this activities increase to the total war. These things prove that the potential war between Vietnam and China in the future could be come true.

This term paper focuses on China-Taiwan relations in terms of One China policy and the Taiwan question. The paper will first provide an overview of the historical background of Beijing-Taipei relations and its ties with the United States. After, we will discuss One China policy and its different interpretations.

The People’s Republic of China (PRC) has become more integrated and willing to cooperate within the global political and economic systems than ever in its history. However, there is growing apprehension in the Asia-Pacific region and the U.S. in regards to the consequences of rising in economic and military power in China. Descriptions about Chinese diplomacy in the policy and scholarly are less positive lately concerning China’s obedience to regional and international rules. There was little debate in the U.S. and elsewhere in regards to whether China was or was not part “the international community.” Scholars and experts in the early 1990s have contended

When given the opportunity to advise the president on how to interact with East Asian nations, he needs to understand that the present day relations between the three developed East Asian nations (China, Japan, and South Korea) is very complicated. The historic background is imperative to his understanding on how to diplomatically interact with these nations, otherwise any present day event will seem confusing. All three share a common ideology and instead of this creating a stronger alliance between these three countries, it creates competition and divide. Cumulatively, their economies have grown at such an unpredicted, exponential, and precedent rate that they are considered to become the next global super powers. On a global scale, these three countries can collectively get along with one another, but because of their intertwined self-righteous attitudes towards superiority, they have become brutal enemies. Although, these three countries do have two major binding principals: the first is the control Confucianism has over their cultures and governments and the second is wanting to become more modernized faster and more efficiently. Retrospectively, these countries are considered extremely modern, especially with their innovations in technology, but it is their deep-rooted respect for their past that is keeping them from being able to fully move on from their traditional

Fifthly, Taiwan?s ambigious legal and political status: Fisheries Agreement as a Comprehensive Security Policy yet with greater implications for the regional

“The campaign of the occupation lays the advantages as well as the disadvantages of the CSSTA under the sun stark naked; unfortunately, the pact is already passed. The forced adoption by the KMT highlights the Ma government’s arbitrary abuse of the power and infringement of the human right, leading to the constitutional crisis of the retrogression in democracy. It meanwhile stimulates civilians to ponder the rebirth of democracy.” (堅持，直到島嶼天光, see footnote , translation mine). The interaction of the trade activities between Mainland China and Taiwan always “successfully” draws attention from the global, but this time the fuel is directly presented in the manifesto of the Sunflower Movement--堅持，直到島嶼天光. People are mainly protesting the CSSTA [Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement, CSSTA] against the untransparent processes. This agreement, passed without the regular procedure, underlines the dark side of the Ma government and how it simultaneously summons up civilians to deeply think about what is now striking the democracy in Taiwan. In addition to the domestic problems originating from the CSSTA, the other vital issue our nation is encountering now is that Taiwan is standing at a lower position in this financial game. “The scales and structures of business are totally different between Taiwan and China. If we just accept the trade without detailed consideration, China is likely [taking] control over Taiwan by means of financial interactions, and it will lead to what Hong Kong

My study will contribute to research focused specifically on the correlation between international relations, nationalism and policymaking towards foreign countries in China. In her book ‘Powerful Patriots: Nationalist Protest in China’s foreign relations’ Jessica Chen Weiss provided an analysis of China’s management of nationalist and anti-foreign protests and their diplomatic consequences. She focuses on the protest aspect of nationalism in China, and how protests are used as a tool by Chinese officials in favor of their own agendas. This study will try to provide a comprehensive frame of the impact of Chinese nationalism on two specific issues in Chinese foreign policy, that is emergent territorial concerns (e.g. South China Sea) and traditional security issues (e.g. Taiwan).

This term paper focuses on China-Taiwan relations in terms of ''One China'' policy and the Taiwan question. The paper will provide an overview of the historical background of Beijing-Taipei relations and its ties with the United States.

This research tries to present both sides of the argument on the control over the islands from the Chinese and Vietnamese point of view, but has an emphasis on how the United States plays a vital role in the resolution of this dispute.