Quebec Recognition Research Paper

In Canadian history, nationalism and sovereignty tend to be common themes prevalent since Confederation. A well-known example of this in Quebec was during the Quiet Revolution which strengthened the need for change through Premier Lesage’s reforms and in turn, developed a strong sense of nationalism in Quebec. In contrast to beliefs that the rapid modernization of the Quiet Revolution had a positive impact on Quebec, it rather had a negative impact on Quebec and its citizens and identity. The three consequences which arose in Quebec as a result of the revolution are the encouragement of separatism, the elimination of traditional values and roles and the establishment of powerful bureaucratic control. Quebec’s attempt to be more like the

In recent elections, the separatist parties in Quebec have seen crushing defeats, raising questions about their relevance in modern day Canada. Support for Quebec separatism has diminished in the past several decades, with the rise of the NDP in the 2011 federal election and the more recent provincial Liberal victory in April of 2014. In the 2011 federal election, specifically, the Bloc Quebecois was reduced to only four seats in the House of Commons, while the NDP took the majority of Quebec’s seats. The provincial Parti Quebecois (PQ) has also been faltering, losing more often than not to the Liberal Party of Quebec (PLQ). Indeed, over the past decade, the PLQ has only lost one election, and has held majorities in many. The most recent election put them back into power after a short PQ minority government that began in 2012. These recent elections may point to a future in which the separatist movement in Quebec may be silenced. Since the late 1950s, the question of Quebec separatism has existed, with levels of support varying throughout the following decades, leading up the referendums of 1980 and 1995. The defeats suffered by the separatist parties in recent elections demonstrate that the separatist movement may be close to being over in Quebec.

The issues are compelling, the future of Quebec in Canada, and the future of our Senate seem like urgent issues that require immediate attention. Looks can be deceiving though, and the case for both of these issues are not as strong as they seem at first glance. First we are going to look at Quebec’s place in the constitutional family, to show why getting their signature is simply a

The concept of recognizing Quebec as a distinct society is an idea that has been kicking around for some time, but just what does it mean and what are its broader implications? This paper will examine the origins of the term, what it means, and its historical context. It will then examine rival interpretations of federalism. The essay will conclude with an in-depth examination of the concept's involvement with the failed constitutional accords and the failed Quebec succession attempts.

More so, many Quebeckers were finding greater economic opportunities in the United States, which fostered concerns about the economic isolation of Quebec, which could ultimately become part of the United States and lose any form of Francophone independence: “Quebec’s economic weakness could be seen already in the flood of emigration toward the United States” (Silver 46). In this case, the underlying debate about provincial rights in the new federal government had to be addressed to ensure that Ontario did not usurp the provinces under a primarily Anglophone government. These clashing interest define how the threat of British colonialism and the economic and military aggression of the United States posed a major threat to Cartier and the Bleu Parti (Smith 43). These political negotiations defined the major efforts to unify the nation under MacDonald and Cartier’s federal plan as the two major provinces of Canada. This political culture created an opportunity to provide greater legislative and principal authority to countermand the new central government created through the Canadian

This essay looks to discuss Quebec sovereigntists and federalists, and how they differ in their understandings of Canada and Quebec. To accomplish this, the paper looks at three points of contention; how to understand history, the nature of the Quebec state, and recognition of Quebec. The three points of contention show where the two view diverge and why, but the paper views these points as merely pieces of the puzzle. As such only after looking at all three points does the paper reach a conclusion about the real differences between the two views. The paper concludes that sovereigntists view Quebec as distinct enfranchised nation within the confines of Canada, and while viewing Canada as a subjugator and an enemy to Quebec. In comparison,

First Nation is a special group of people who live in Canada. Their cultures, traditions and lifestyles are totally different from other Canadian and in the Canadian history the unequal treatment of aboriginal people influence them to be different. Also, this debate will influence the profits of First Nation. “Some of the main issues they see as pertinent in the separatist debates are issues of land rights, resource management, and their right to self-determination.” (Etzel 2015) If Quebec is independent, First Nation will lose the support from federal government and be controlled by Quebec government. Without Canadian supporting, they will lose rights due them and will influence the relationship to withe First Nations. Furthermore, this Quebec debate affects other provinces even lead them to have the same thoughts as Quebec. Everything happened will have a flow and most people in this world have the same thought which conformity. Thus, other provinces will try to be individual. For example in Alberta, “In English Canada in the early 1980s, there was also some separatist activity, particularly in Alberta, which was embodied in the Western Canada Concept Party.” (STEIN 2006). From the influence of Quebec, Alberta also wants to be independent even had an activity to show their determination at an

The idea of Québec separating from Canada isn’t as popular as it once was, twenty one years ago. In the 1980’s and 90’s, Québec sovereignty left the country divided, and the 1995 referendum showed how Québec and Canada had a tumultuous relationship. All of Canada was affected, but this debate targeted mostly English Canadians and French Canadians. The lack of unity between both cultures resulted in the Quiet Revolution in 1960’s, which was the starting point for the sovereignty movement. The inability of Québec and Canada to resolve their differences regarding Québec separation resulted in events that affected the whole country.

Inextricably related to both international and domestic perceptions of Canada is an inherent multiculturalist society, primarily due to the anterior development of Canada as a composite state between British and French cultures and the ‘progressiveness’ and subsequent benefit (without logical substantiation) perpetually postulated by large segments of Canadian politics and a considerable quantity of Canadian

Since the beginning of Canadian history, regionalism has had a prominent effect on the country`s political system. The concept of regionalism can be defined as a political ideology grounded on a shared sense of place or attachment and is discussed in terms of Canadian society, culture, economy and politics.1 From the days of confederation, Canada has developed into regional cleavages and identities based on various geographical characteristics, traditional lifestyles and economic interests. Two of Canada`s greatest regionally distinct political cultures are known as Western alienation and Quebec nationalism.2 Historically, the lack of regional awareness and accommodation within Canada’s central government has given rise to a great deal

Mackey, Razack and Poulter bring up the issues of a falsely constructed national identity in their article’s arguments. Settling Differences: Managing and Representing People and Land in the Canadian National Project states that “identity is formed in the ‘simultaneous vectors of similarity, continuality, and difference’” (Charbram and Fregoso, 1990: 206, as quoted by Mackey 2002: 24) – that certain characteristics and attributes from each identity is what relates or differentiates one identity from the next. These identities are either rooted in the lands history or appropriated from other groups, but never displays the full progression of coming to be. Rather, they display a discourse where only specific accounts of history are included in

Finally in 1867, the United Canadas joined two other British Colonies, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick to form the Dominion of Canada (McRoberts 1991, 413). French-Canadians continued to fight against assimilation and received autonomous privileges with exclusive jurisdiction over matters regarding its cultural distinctiveness***. Thus, the Francophone language and culture has always been at the forefront of Quebec priorities. Since Confederation, Quebec nationalist have felt that the Francophone language and culture has been at risk of assimilation by the rest of Canada. As a result, Quebec nationalism is fundamentally rooted in the preservation of the Francophone language and culture (Guiberneau 2006, 52). Political leaders in Quebec continuously urge for the recognition that Canada is composed of two nations or cultures (McRoberts 1991, 413). Prior to confederation Quebec enjoyed numerous autonomous privileges. Unfortunately, post-confederation Quebec did not enjoy as many autonomous privileges because Canada was created as a relatively centralized federation (Beland and Lecours 2007, 406). A centralized federation not only took several of these autonomous powers away from Quebec, but it also threatened the Francophone language and culture (Beland and Lecours 2007, 406). With this said, Quebec nationalism has placed a great deal of pressure on the federal government to decentralize, giving more powers to provincial governments.

Western alienation is defined as a “political ideology” or regional discontent, this is rooted with the dissatisfaction of western provinces in the federal government by representation. This essay will examine the causes of western alienation in Canada by examining 3 main causes: Inter-state federalism, the senate and the importance of Quebec emerging in late 1900's. Governments in Canada have developed relations between themselves, involving government and legislation. Inter government relations resemble international diplomacy( meetings with prime minister, provincial premiers, staff and flags). Conducted by government and politicians who have to be sure of the fact that what they do in inter government relations

“The Constitution Act, 1867 contained specific provisions designed to protect Quebec 's distinct culture and language” (Nicholson, 2003) Canada has always given guarantees to protect the Quebec culture, a policy would be nice but it is not an absolute must have as he portrays. Tremblay then moves on to say, that U.S Department of Commerce would like to deregulate the communications industry and how horrible this would be for Canada . He points out that once this happens the U.S will pressure Canada to do the same. Yet, he seems to forget that Canada is a sovereign nation that does not have to give in to U.S pressure. Canada sets its own policies without being influenced by others. It has and will always be this way. Quebec is already officially recognized as distinct, it is entrenched in the constitution. Simply put, it does not get any better than that.

In this essay, I will be discussing policies enacted by Justin Trudeau’s Liberal government and explaining how they relate to the political compass. In the first paragraph, I will explain the difference between libertarian and authoritarian policies. In the second paragraph, I will discuss the Liberal government’s proposal to amend the Canadian Human Rights Act to add gender expression to the list of prohibited grounds of discrimination, and illustrate why that constitute a libertarian policy. In the third paragraph, I will discuss the liberal proposal amending the Controlled Drugs and Substances Act and why that constitute an authoritarian policy. Afterward, in the fourth paragraph, I will explain the difference between the left-wing and the right-wing policies. In the fifth paragraph, I will discuss the Canadian Liberal government decision on the rise of the Canada Pension Plan (CPP) payouts and why that constitute a left-wing policy. Then in the sixth paragraph, I will discuss the Liberal’s Canada-EU free trade agreement and why that constitute a right-wing policy.